International Standard Bible Encyclopedia
M
Maacah — Malchus
Maacah
Maacah - ma'-a-ka (ma`akhah; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Mocha; Codex Alexandrinus Maacha): A small Syrian kingdom adjoining that of Geshur on the western border of Bashan, the inhabitants of which are called Maachathites (the Revised Version (British and American) "Maacathites"), whose territory was taken by Jair (Deuteronomy 3:14; Joshua 12:5). The border of the Geshurites and the Maacathites and all Mt. Hermon were given to the half-tribe of Manasseh (Joshua 13:11). The inhabitants of these kingdoms, however, were not driven out by Israel (Joshua 13:13), and at a later day the children of Ammon hired mercenaries from Maacah for their encounter with David. The armies met near Medeba when the "Syrians" from Maacah found themselves opposed to Joab. That famous captain completely routed them (2 Samuel 10:6 ff the Septuagint has "Amalek"). In 1 Chronicles 19:6 it is called Aram-maacah, Syria-maachah (the King James Version); and in 1 Chronicles 2:23 "Aram" appears instead of "Maacah."
It evidently lay between Geshur on the South and Hermon on the North, being probably bounded by Jordan on the West, although no certain indication of boundaries is now possible. They would thus be hemmed in by Israel, which accounts for `Geshur and Maacath dwell in the midst of Israel" (Joshua 13:13).It is possible that Abel-beth-maacah may have been a colony founded by men from Maacah.
W. Ewing
Maacah; Maachah
Maacah; Maachah - ma'-a-ka (ma`akhah):
(1) Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Mocha; Codex Alexandrinus Mocha, daughter of Nahor, borne to him by Reumah (Genesis 22:24).
(2) Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Maacha; Codex Alexandrinus Maachath, the one wife of David who was of royal rank, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur, who became the mother of Absalom (2 Samuel 3:3; 1 Chronicles 3:2).
(3) Maacha, father of Achish, king of Gath (1 Kings 2:39). He is probably referred to as "Maoch" in 1 Samuel 27:2.
(4) The daughter of Absalom, the favorite wife of Rehoboam, and mother of Abijah (1 Kings 15:2; 2 Chronicles 11:20, etc.). Evidently "daughter" must here be understood as "granddaughter," according to a common oriental usage. Tamar was the only daughter of Absalom. If Tamar married Uriel of Gibeah (2 Chronicles 13:2), then Maacah was her daughter. In that case the name Micaiah in this passage would be either a copyist's error or a variant of Maacah. She must have been a woman of strong personality. Unfortunately, her influence was cast upon the side of idolatry. She maintained her position in the palace, however, till the reign of her grandson Asa. Possibly she acted as regent during his minority. Ultimately, she was degraded by him for an act of peculiar infamy (1 Kings 15:13; 2 Chronicles 15:16).
(5) Concubine of Caleb, son of Hezron (1 Chronicles 2:48).
(6) Sister of Huppim and Shuppim the Benjamites, who became the wife of Machir the Manassite, the "father" of Gilead (1 Chronicles 7:12, 15 f).
(7) Wife of Jeiel, the "father" of Gibeon, an ancestress of King Saul (1 Chronicles 8:29; 9:35).
(8) Father of Hanan, one of David's mighty men (1 Chronicles 11:43).
(9) Father of Shephatiah, ruler of the Simeonites under David (1 Chronicles 27:16).
W. Ewing
Maacathites
Maacathites - ma-ak'-a-thits (~hama`akhathi]; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus ho Machatei; Codex Alexandrinus Machathi): Mentioned in Scripture are Ahasbai M (2 Samuel 23:34), Jaazaniah (2 Kings 25:23), Naham (1 Chronicles 4:19) and Jezaniah (Jeremiah 40:8). See preceding article.
Maadai
Maadai - ma-a-da'-i, ma'-a-di (ma`adhay): Son of Bani; one of those who married foreign wives (Ezra 10:34).
Maadiah
Maadiah - ma-a-di'-a (ma`adhyah, "whose ornament is Jah"): A priest who returned with Zerubbabel (Nehemiah 12:5). The name also occurs in the form "Moadiah" (Nehemiah 12:17).
Maai
Maai - ma-a'-i, ma'i (ma`ay): An Asaphite musician who took part in the ceremony of the dedication of the walls (Nehemiah 12:36).
Maaleh-acrabbim
Maaleh-acrabbim - ma'-a-la-a-krab'-im, ma-al'-a-.
See AKRABBIM.
Maani
Maani - ma'-a-ni (Maani):
(1) the King James Version "Meani" (1 Esdras 5:31), corresponding to "Meunim" in Ezra 2:50; Nehemiah 7:52.
(2) the Revised Version (British and American) "Baani," head of a family, many of whom had married foreign wives (1 Esdras 9:34; called "Bani" in Ezra 10:34).
Maarath
Maarath - ma'-a-rath (ma`arath): A city in the hill country of Judah, mentioned between Gedor and Beth-anoth (Joshua 15:59). The small village of Beit Ummar upon the watershed, a little to the West of the carriage road to Hebron and about a mile from Khirbet Jedur (Gedor), is a probable site. There are many rock tombs to its East. The village mosque is dedicated to Nebi Matta, i.e. Matthew. See P E F ,III , 305, ShXXI .
Maareh-geba
Maareh-geba - ma'-a-re-ge'-ba, -ga'-ba (ma`areh gebha`; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Maraagabe; Codex Alexandrinus dusmon tes Gabaa): The place where the men of Israel lay in ambush, from which they broke forth upon the children of Benjamin (Judges 20:33). the King James Version renders "the meadows of Gibeah," the Revised Version margin "the meadow of Geba (or Gibeah)." The Septuagint's Codex Alexandrinus affords a clue to the correct reading. It to read place-name. The text must be emended to read mima`arabh legebha`, "to the West of Geba." Peshitta suggests a reading mime-`arath gebha`, "from the cave of Geba." This, however, there is nothing to warrant.
W. Ewing
Maasai
Maasai - ma'-a-si, ma-as'-i (ma`say; the King James Version, Maasiai): A priest, son of Abdid (1 Chronicles 9:12).
Maaseas
Maaseas - ma-a-se'-as (Maasaios; the King James Version Maasias): Grandfather of Baruch (Baruch 1:1); called Mahseiah in Jeremiah 32:12; 51:59.
Maaseiah
Maaseiah - ma-a-se'-ya, ma-a-si'a (ma`aseyahu, "Yahweh's work"; Maassaia, and Massaias in the Septuagint): A name common in exilic and late monarchic times (Gray, H P N).
(1) A Levite musician named in connection with David's bringing up of the ark from the house of Obed-edom (1 Chronicles 15:18, 20).
(2) A Levite captain who aided Jehoiada at the coronation of Joash (2 Chronicles 23:1).
(3) An officer of Uzziah (2 Chronicles 26:11).
(4) Ahaz' son, slain by the Ephraimite, Zichri (2 Chronicles 28:7).
(5) A governor of Jerusalem under Josiah (2 Chronicles 34:8).
(6) (7) (8) (9) The name of 4 men, 3 of them priests, who had married foreign wives (Ezra 10:18, 21-22, 30).
(10) Father of Azariah, one of the builders of the wall (Nehemiah 3:23).
(11) One of those who stood at Ezra's right hand during the reading of the Law (Nehemiah 8:4).
(12) One of the expounders of the Law (Nehemiah 8:7).
(13) One of those who took part in sealing the covenant (Nehemiah 10:25).
(14) A Judahite inhabitant of Jerusalem (Nehemiah 11:5), who in 1 Chronicles 9:5 is called Asaiah.
(15) A Benjamite (Nehemiah 11:7).
(16) (17) Name of two priests (Nehemiah 12:41 f).
(18) A priest in Zedekiah's reign, father of a certain Zephaniah who interviewed the prophet Jeremiah (Jeremiah 21:1; 29:25; 37:3).
(19) Father of the false prophet Zedekiah (Jeremiah 29:21).
(20) A keeper of the threshold in the reign of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 35:4).
(21) Baaseiah (which see), a Kohathite name (1 Chronicles 6:40), is probably a textual error for Maaseiah.
(22) the King James Version for Mahseiah, an ancestor of Baruch (Jeremiah 32:12).
John A. Lees
Maasiai
Maasiai - ma-as'-i-i.
See MAASAI.
Maasmas
Maasmas - ma-as'-mas, ma'-as-mas (Maasmas; Swete reads Maasman; the King James Version Masman, 1 Esdras 8:43): Corresponds to "Shemaiah" in Ezra 8:16.
Maath
Maath - ma'-ath (Maath): An ancestor of Jesus in Luke's genealogy in the 12th generation before Joseph, the husband of Mary (Luke 3:26).
Maaz
Maaz - ma'-az (ma`ats): A descendant of Judah (1 Chronicles 2:27).
Maaziah
Maaziah - ma-a-zi'-a (ma`azyahu):
(1) The priest to whom fell the lot for the 24th course (1 Chronicles 24:18).
(2) One of those who took part in sealing the covenant (Nehemiah 10:8).
Mabdai
Mabdai - mab'-da-i.
See MAMDAI.
Mabnabedai
Mabnabedai - mab-nab'-e-di.
See MACHNADEBAI.
Macalon
Macalon - mak'-a-lon (hoi ek Makalon; 1 Esdras 5:21): This corresponds to "the men of Michmas" in Ezra 2:27. The mistake has probably arisen through reading Macalon in Greek uncials for "AL".
Maccabaeus; Maccabees
Maccabaeus; Maccabees - mak-a-be'-us (Makkabaios), mak'-a-bez (hoi Makkabaioi):
I. PALESTINE UNDER KINGS OF SYRIA
1. Rivalry of Syria and Egypt
2. Palestine Seized by Antiochus the Great
3. Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes
II. PALESTINE UNDER THE MACCABEES
1. Mattathias
2. Judas
3. Jonathan
4. Simon
5. John Hyrcanus
6. John and Eleazar
LITERATURE
The name Maccabeus was first applied to Judas, one of the sons of Mattathias generally called in English the Maccabees, a celebrated family who defended Jewish rights and customs in the 2nd century BC (1 Maccabees 2:1-3). The word has been variously derived (e.g. as the initial letters of Mi Khamokha, Ba-'elim Yahweh! "Who is like unto thee among the mighty, O Yahweh ?"), but it is probably best associated with maqqabhah "hammer," and as applied to Judas may be compared with the malleus Scotorum and malleus haereticorum of the Middle Ages (see next article). To understand the work of the Maccabees, it is necessary to take note of the relation in which the Jews and Palestine stood at the time to the immediately neighboring nations.
I. Palestine under Kings of Syria. 1. Rivalry of Syria and Egypt: On the division of Alexander's empire at his death in the year 323 BC, Palestine became a sort of buffer state between Egypt under the Ptolemies on the South, and Syria, under the house of Seleucus, the last survivor of Alexander's generals, on the North. The kings of Syria, as the Seleucid kings are generally called, though their dominion extended practically from the Mediterranean Sea to India, had not all the same name, like the Ptolemies of Egypt, though most of them were called either Seleucus or Antiochus. For a hundred years after the death of Alexander, the struggle went on as to which of the two powers was to govern Palestine, until in the year 223 came the northern prince under whom Palestine was destined to fall to the Seleucids for good.
2. Palestine Seized by Antiochus the Great: This was Antiochus III, commonly known as Antiochus the Great. He waged two campaigns against Egypt for the possession of Palestine, finally gaining the upper hand in the year 198 BC by his victory at Panium, so called from its proximity to a sanctuary of the god Pan, a spot close to the sources of the Jordan and still called Banias. The Jews helped Antiochus to gain the victory and, according to Josephus, his rule was accepted by the Jews with good will. It is with him and his successors that the Jews have now to deal. Antiochus, it should be noticed, came in contact with the Romans after their conquest of Macedonia in 197, and was defeated by Scipio Asiaticus at Magnesia in 190. He came under heavy tribute which he found it difficult to pay, and met his end in 187, while plundering a Greek temple in order to secure its contents. His son and successor Seleucus IV was murdered by his prime minister Heliodorus in 176-175 BC, who reaped no benefit from his crime.
3. Accession of Antiochus Epiphanes: The brother of the murdered king succeeded to the throne as Antiochus IV, generally known as Antiochus Epiphanes ("the Illustrious"), a typical eastern ruler of considerable practical ability, but whose early training while a hostage at Rome had made him an adept in dissimulation. Educated in the fashionable Hellenism of the day, he made it his aim during his reign (175-164 BC) to enforce it upon his empire a policy which brought him into conflict with the Jews. Even before his reign many Jews had yielded to the attraction of Greek thought and custom, and the accession of a ruler like Antiochus Epiphanes greatly increased the drift in that direction, as will be found described in the article dealing with the period between the Old and the New Testaments (see BETWEEN THE TESTAMENTS). Pious Jews meanwhile, men faithful to the Jewish tradition, Chasidim (see HASIDAEANS), as they were called, resisted this tendency, and in the end were driven to armed resistance against the severe oppression practiced by Antiochus in advancing his Hellenizing views.
See ASMONEANS.
II. Palestine under the Maccabees. 1. Mattathias: Mattathias, a priest of the first 24 courses and therefore of the noblest who dwelt at Modin, a city of Judah, was the first to strike a blow. With his own hand he slew a Jew at Modin who was willing to offer the idolatrous sacrifices ordered by the king, and also Apelles, the leader of the king's messengers (1 Maccabees 2:15-28). He fled with his sons to the mountains (168 BC), where he organized a successful resistance; but being of advanced age and unfit for the fatigue of active service, he died in 166 BC and was buried "in the sepulchres of his fathers" at Modin (1 Maccabees 2:70; Josephus, Ant, XII, vi, 3). He apparently named as his successor his 3rd son, Judas, though it was with real insight that on his deathbed he recommended the four brothers to take Simon as their counselor (1 Maccabees 2:65).
2. Judas: Judas, commonly called Judas Maccabeus--often called in 2 Maccabees "Judas the Maccabee"--held strongly the opinions of his father and proved at least a very capable leader in guerrilla warfare. He defeated several of the generals of Antiochus--Apollonius at Beth-horon, part of the army of Lysias at Emmaus (166 BC), and Lysias himself at Bethsura the following year. He took possession of Jerusalem, except the "Tower," where he was subsequently besieged and hard pressed by Lysias and the young king Antiochus Eupator in 163 BC; but quarrels among the Syrian generals secured relief and liberty of religion to the Jews which, however, proved of short duration. The Hellenizing Jews, with ALCIMUS (which see) at their head, secured the favor of the king, who sent Nicanor against Judas. The victory over Nicanor first at Capharsalama and later (161 BC) at Adasa near Beth-horon, in which engagement Nicanor was slain, was the greatest of Judas' successes and practically secured the independence of the Jews. The attempt of Judas to negotiate an alliance with the Romans, who had now serious interests in these regions, caused much dissatisfaction among his followers; and their defection at Elasa (161 BC), during the invasion under Bacchides, which was undertaken before the answer of the Roman Senate arrived, was the cause of the defeat and death of Judas in battle. His body was buried "in the sepulchres of his fathers" at Modin. There is no proof that Judas held the office of high priest like his father Mattathias. (An interesting and not altogether favorable estimate of Judas and of the spiritual import of the revolt will be found in Jerusalem under the High Priests, 97-99, by E.R. Bevan, London, 1904.)
3. Jonathan: Jonathan (called Apphus, "the wary"), the youngest of the sons of Mattathias, succeeded Judas, whose defeat and death had left the patriotic party in a deplorable condition from which it was rescued by the skill and ability of Jonathan, aided largely by the rivalries among the competitors for the Syrian throne. It was in reality from these rivalries that resulted the 65 years (129-64 BC) of the completely independent rule of the Hasmonean dynasty (see ASMONEANS) that elapsed between the Greek supremacy of the Syrian kings and the Roman supremacy established by Pompey. The first step toward the recovery of the patriots was the permission granted them by Demetrius I to return to Judea in 158 BC--the year in which Bacchides ended an unsuccessful campaign against Jonathan and in fact accepted the terms of the latter. After his departure, Jonathan "judged the people at Michmash" (1 Maccabees 9:73). Jonathan was even authorized to reenter Jerusalem and to maintain a military force, only the "Tower" the Akra, as it was called in Greek, being held by a Syrian garrison.
See further under ASMONEANS; LACEDAEMONIANS; TRYPHON.
4. Simon: Simon, surnamed Thassi ("the zealous"?) was now the only surviving member of the original Maccabean family, and he readily took up the inheritance. Tryphon murdered the boy-king Antiochus Dionysus and seized the throne of Seleucus, although having no connection with the Seleucid family. Simon accordingly broke entirely with Tryphon after making successful overtures to Demetrius, who granted the fullest immunity from all the dues that had marked the Seleucid supremacy. Even the golden crown, which had to be paid on the investiture of a new high priest, was now remitted. On the 23rd of Ijjar (May), 141, the patriots entered even the Akra "with praise and palm branches, and with harps, and with cymbals and with viols, and with hymns, and with songs" (1 Maccabees 13:51). Simon was declared in a Jewish assembly to be high priest and chief of the people "for ever, until there should arise a prophet worthy of credence" (1 Maccabees 14:41), a limitation that was felt to be necessary on account of the departure of the people from the Divine appointment of the high priests of the old line and one that practically perpetuated the high-priesthood in the family of Simon. Even a new era was started, of which the high-priesthood of Simon was to be year 1, and this was really the foundation of the Hasmonean dynasty (see ASMONEANS).
5. John Hyrcanus: John Hyrcanus, one of the sons of Simon, escaped from the plot laid by Ptolemy, and succeeded his father, both as prince and high priest. See ASMONEANS. He was succeeded (104 BC) by his son Aristobulus I who took the final step of assuming the title of king.
6. John and Eleazar: Two members of the first generation of the Maccabean family still remain to be mentioned: (1) John, the eldest, surnamed Gaddis (the King James Version "Caddis"), probably meaning "my fortune," was murdered by a marauding tribe, the sons of JAMBRI (which see), near Medeba, on the East of the Jordan, when engaged upon the convoy of some property of the Maccabees to the friendly country of the Nabateans (1 Maccabees 9:35-42). (2) Eleazar, surnamed Avaran, met his death (161 BC) in the early stage of the Syrian war, shortly before the death of Judas. In the battle of Bethzacharias (163 BC), in which the Jews for the first time met elephants in war, he stabbed from below the elephants on which he supposed the young king was riding. He killed the elephant but he was himself crushed to death by its fall (1 Maccabees 6:43-46). For the further history of the Hasmonean dynasty, see ASMONEANS; MACCABEES, BOOKS OF.
LITERATURE.
There is a copious literature on the Maccabees, a family to which history shows few, if any, parallels of such united devotion to a sacred cause. The main authorities are of course the Maccabean Books of the Apocrypha; but special reference may be made to the chapters of Stanley, Lectures on the History of the Jewish Church, dealing with the subject, and to E.R. Bevan. Jerusalem under the High Priests, 1904, or to the 2nd volume of House of Seleucus by the same author, 1902.
J. Hutchison
Maccabees, Books Of, 1-2
Maccabees, Books Of, 1-2 - mak'-a-bez,
I. 1 MACCABEES
1. Name
2. Canonicity
3. Contents
4. Historicity
5. Author's Standpoint and Aim
6. Date
7. Sources
8. Original Language
9. Text and Versions
LITERATURE
II. 2 MACCABEES
1. Name
2. Canonicity
3. Contents
4. Sources
5. Historicity
6. Teaching of the Book
7. Author
8. Date
9. Original Language
10. Text and Versions
LITERATURE
III. 3 MACCABEES
1. Name
2. Canonicity
3. Contents
4. Historicity
5. Aim and Teaching
6. Authorship and Date
7. Original Language
8. Text and Versions
LITERATURE
IV. 4 MACCABEES
1. Name
2. Canonicity
3. Contents
4. Teaching
5. Authorship and Date
6. Original Language
7. Text and Versions
LITERATURE
V. 5 MACCABEES
1. Name
2. Canonicity
3. Contents
4. Historicity
5. Original Language
6. Aim and Teaching
7. Authorship and Date
8. Text and Versions
LITERATURE
I. 1 Maccabees. 1. Name: The Hebrew title has perished with the original Hebrew text. Rabbinical writers call the Books of Maccabees ciphere ha-chashmonim, "The Book of the Hasmoneans" (see ASMONEANS). Origen gives to Book I (the only one he seemed to know of) the name Sarbeth Sabanaiel, evidently a Hebrew or Aramaic name of very uncertain meaning, but which Dalman (Aramaic Grammar, section 6) explains as a corruption of Aramaic words= "The Book of the House of the Hasmoneans" (compare the rabbinical name given above). In the Greek manuscripts N, V (Codex Venetus), the 4 books go under the designation Makkabaion, [Codices Alexandrinus, Vaticanus, Gamma Delta, biblos, being understood. In the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) the 1st and 2nd books are alone found, and appear under the name Machabaeorum liber primus, secundus. The spelling Machabaeorum reproduces probably the pronunciation current in Jerome's day.
The name "Maccabee" belongs strictly only to Judas, who in 2 Maccabees is usually called "the Maccabee" (ho Makkabaios). But the epithet came to be applied to the whole family and their descendants. The word means probably "extinguisher" (of persecution) (makhbi, from kabhah, "to be extinguished"; so Niese; Josephus, Ant, XII, vi, 1 f; S.J. Curtis, The Name Maccabee). The more usual explanation, "hammerer" (maqqabhay), is untenable, as the noun from which it is derived (maqqebheth) (Judges 4:21) denotes a smith's hammer.
2. Canonicity: Since the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) includes only the first 2 books of Maccabees, these are the only books pronounced canonical by the Council of Trent and included in recognized Protestant versions of the Apocrypha (see APOCRYPHA). That 1 Maccabees was used largely in the early Christian church is proved by the numerous references made to it and quotations from it in the writings of Tertullian (died 220), Clement of Alexandria (died 220), Hippolytus (died 235), Origen (died 254), etc. The last named states that 1 Maccabees is uncanonical, and it is excluded from the lists of canonical writings given by Athanasius (died 373), Cyril of Jerusalem (died 386), and Gregory of Nazianzus (died 390). Indeed, none of the books of the Maccabees was recognized as canonical until the Council of Trent (1553) gave this rank to the first 2 books, and Protestants continue in their confessions to exclude the whole of the Apocrypha from the Bible proper, though Luther maintained that 1 Maccabees was more worthy of a place in the Canon than many books now included in it.
3. Contents: 1 Maccabees gives first of all a brief view of the reign of Alexander the Great and the partition of his kingdom among his successors. Having thus explained the origin of the Seleucid Dynasty, the author proceeds to give a history of the Jews from the accession of Antiochus IV, king of Syria (175 BC), to the death of Simon (135 BC). The events of these 40 years are simply but graphically related and almost entirely in the order of their occurrence. The contents of 1 Maccabees and 2 Maccabees 4:115:1 are in the main parallel, dealing with the same incidents; but the simple narrative character of 1 Maccabees, in contrast to the didactic and highly religious as well as supernatural coloring of 2 Maccabees, can easily be seen in these corresponding parts. The victories due to heroism in 1 Maccabees are commonly ascribed to miraculous intervention on the part of God in 2 Maccabees (see 1 Maccabees 4:1 f; compare 2 Maccabees 8:23 f). 2 Maccabees is more given to exaggerations. The army of Judas at Bethsura consists of 10,000 according to 1 Maccabees 4:29, but of 80,000 according to 2 Maccabees 11:2. The following is a brief analysis of 1 Maccabees:
(1) 1 Maccabees 1:1-10: An account of the rise of the Seleucid Dynasty.
(2) 1 Maccabees 1:1116:24: History of the Jews from 175 to 135 BC.
(a) 1 Maccabees 1:11-64: Introductory. Some Jews inclined to adopt Greek customs (religious, etc.); Antiochus' aim to conquer Egypt and to suppress the Jewish religion as a source of Jewish disloyalty. Desecration of the Jewish temple: martyrdom of many faithful Jews.
(b) 1 Maccabees 2:1-70: The revolt of Mattathias
(c) 1 Maccabees 3:19:22: Leadership of Judas Maccabeus after his father's death. Brilliant victories over the Syrians. Purification of the temple. Death of Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) and accession of Antiochus V (Eupator) (164 BC). Demetrius I became king of Syria, and Alcimus Jewish high priest (162 BC). Treaty between Jews and Romans. Defeat of Jews at Eleasa and death of Judas Maccabeus (161 BC).
(d) 1 Maccabees 9:2312:53: Leadership of Jonathan, 5th son of Mattathias, elected to succeed his brother Judas. He becomes high priest. Political independence of Judea secured.
(e) 1 Maccabees 13:3116:24: Peaceful and prosperous rule of Simon, brother of Jonathan; accession of his son John Hyrcanus (135 BC).
4. Historicity: That the author of 1 Maccabees aims at giving a correct narrative, and that on the whole his account is correct, is the opinion of practically all scholars. The simple, straight-forward way in which he writes inspires confidence, and there can be no doubt that we have here a first-class authority for the period covered (175-135 BC). It is the earliest Jewish history which dates events in reference to a definite era, this era being that of the Seleucids, 312 BC, the year of the founding of that dynasty. The aid received from God is frequently recognized in the book (2:51 ff; 3:18; 4:10 f; 9:46; 16:3), yet it is mainly through personal valor that the Jews conquer, not, as in 2 Maccabees (see III , 3 below), through miraculous Divine interpositions. Ordinary, secondary causes are almost the only ones taken into account, so that the record may be relied upon as on the whole trustworthy. Yet the writer shows the defects which belong to his age and environment, or what from the standpoint of literal history must be counted defects, though, as in the case of 2 Maccabees (compare Chronicles), a writer may have other aims than to record bare objective facts. In 1:1-9 the author errs through ignorance of the real facts as regards Alexander's partition of his kingdom; and other misstatements of fact due to the same cause occur in 10:1 ff (Alexander (Balas), son of Antiochus Epiphanes) and in 13:31 ff (time of assassination of Antiochus VI by Tryphon). In 6:37 it is said there were 32 men upon each elephant, perhaps a misreading of the original "2 or 3," although the Indian elephant corps at the turn of this century carried more.
We know nothing of a Persian village Elymais (1 Maccabees 6:1). The number of Jewish warriors that fought and the number slain are understated, while there are evident exaggerations of the number of soldiers who fought against them and of those of them who were left dead on the field (see 1 Maccabees 4:15; 7:46; 1 Maccabees 11:45-51, etc.).
But in this book, prayers, speeches and official records abound as they do in Ezra, Nehemiah (see Century Bible, "Ezra," "Nehemiah," "Esther," 12 ff), and many modern Protestant writers doubt or deny the authenticity of a part of those, though that is not necessarily to question their genuineness as part of the original narrative.
As regards the prayers (1 Maccabees 3:50-54; 1 Maccabees 4:30-33) and speeches (1 Maccabees 2:7-13; 1 Maccabees 2:50-68; 1 Maccabees 4:6-11, etc.), there is no valid reason for doubting that they give at least the substance of what was originally said or written, though ancient historians like Thucydides and Livy think it quite right to edit the speeches of their characters, abbreviating, expanding or altering. Besides, it is to be remembered that the art of stenography is a modern one; even Dr. Johnson, in default of verbatim reports, had to a large extent to make the speeches which he ostensibly reported.
There is, however, in the book a large number of official documents, and it is in regard to the authenticity of these that modern criticism has expressed greatest doubt. They are the following:
(1) Letter of the Jews in Gilead to Judas (1 Maccabees 5:10-13).
(2) Treaty of alliance between the Romans and Jews; copy written on brass tablets sent to Judas (1 Maccabees 8:22-32).
(3) Letter from King Alexander Balas to Jonathan (1 Maccabees 10:18-20).
(4) Letter from King Demetrius I to Jonathan (1 Maccabees 10:25-45).
(5) Letter from King Demetrius II to Jonathan (1 Maccabees 11:30-37), together with letter to Lasthenes (1 Maccabees 11:31-37).
(6) Letter from the young prince Antiochus to Jonathan, making the latter high priest (1 Maccabees 11:57).
(7) Letter from Jonathan to the Spartans, asking for an alliance (1 Maccabees 12:5-18).
(8) Earlier letter of the Spartan king Arius to the high priest Onias (1 Maccabees 12:20-23).
(9) Letter from King Demetrius II to Simon (1 Maccabees 13:36-40).
(10) Letter from the Spartans to Simon (1 Maccabees 14:20-24).
(11) A decree of the Jews recognizing the services of Simon and his brothers (1 Maccabees 14:27-45).
(12) Letters from Antiochus VII (Sidetes) to Simon (1 Maccabees 15:2-9).
(13) Message from the Roman consul Lucius to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, asking protection for the Jews (1 Maccabees 15:16-21). A copy was sent to Simon (1 Maccabees 15:24).
Formerly the authenticity of these state documents was accepted without doubt, as they still are by Romanist commentators (Welte, Scholz, etc.). At most, they are but translations of translations, for the originals would be written in Greek and Latin, from which the author would translate into Hebrew. The Greek of our book is a translation from the Hebrew (see II , 8 below).
Rawlinson (Speaker's Apocrypha, II, 329) says these documents "have a general air of authenticity." Most modern scholars reject the letters purporting to emanate from the Romans (numbers 2 and 13 above) and from the Spartans (numbers 8, 10 above), together with Jonathan's message to the latter (number 7, above), on the ground that they contain some historical inaccuracies and imply others. How could one consul issue official mandates in the name of the Roman republic (see number 13, above)? In number 8 above, it is the king of the Spartans who writes on behalf of his people to Onias the high priest; but it is the ephoroi or rulers who write for the Spartans to Simon. Why the difference? Moreover, in 1 Maccabees 12:21 the Spartans and Jews are said to be kinsmen (literally, brothers), both alike being descendants of Abraham; so also 14:20. This is admittedly contrary to fact. For a careful examination of these official documents and their objective value, see Kautzsch, Die Apokryphen des Altes Testament, 27-30. Though, however, these documents and some others can be proved incorrect as they stand, they do seem to imply actual negotiations of the kind described; i.e. the Jews must have had communications with the Romans and Spartans, the Jews of Gilead must have sent a missive to Judas (number 1), Alexander Balas did no doubt write to Jonathan, etc., though the author of 1 Maccabees puts the matter in his own way, coloring it by his own patriotic and religious prejudices.
5. Author's Standpoint and Aim: Though the name of the author is unknown, the book itself supplies conclusive evidence that he belonged to the Sadducee party, the party favored by the Hasmoneans. The aim of the writer is evidently historical and patriotic, yet his attitude toward religious questions is clearly indicated, both directly and indirectly.
(1) Nowhere in the book is the Divine Being mentioned under any name except Heaven (1 Maccabees 3:18 f,50,60; 4:10,55; 12:15, etc.), a designation common in rabbinical Hebrew (Talmud, etc.). As early as 300 BC the sacred name "Yahweh" was discarded in favor of "Adonai" (Lord) for superstitious reasons. But in 1 Maccabees no strictly Divine name meets us at all. This would seem to suggest the idea of a certain aloofness of God, such as characterized theology of the Sadducee party. Contrast with this the mystic closeness of God realized and expressed by the psalmists and prophets of the Old Testament.
(2) The author is a religious patriot, believing that his people have been Divinely chosen and that the cause of Israel is the cause of God.
(3) He is also a strict legalist, believing it the duty of every Jew to keep the Law and to preserve its institutions (1 Maccabees 1:11, 15, 43, 49, 54, 60, 62 f; 2:20 ff,27,42,48,50; 3:21, etc.), and deprecating attempts to compel Jews to desecrate the Sabbath and feast days (1 Maccabees 1:45), to eat unclean food (1 Maccabees 1:63) and to sacrifice to idols (1 Maccabees 1:43). Yet the comparatively lax attitude toward the Sabbath implied in 1 Maccabees 2:41 ff, involving the principle of Christ's words, "The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath" (Mark 2:27), agrees with the Sadducee position against that of the Pharisees.
(4) The book teaches that the age of inspiration is past, and that the sacred books already written are the only source of comfort in sorrow and of encouragement under difficulties (1 Maccabees 12:9).
(5) The legitimacy of the high-priesthood of Simon is not once questioned, though it is condemned by both the Deuteronomic law (D), which restricts the priesthood to the tribe of Levi, and by the priestly law (P), which requires in addition that a priest must be of the family of Aaron. This laxity agrees well with the general tenets of the Sadducees.
(6) The book contains no trace of the Messianic hope, though it was entertained at the time in other circles (the Pharisees; see MESSIAH,II , 2; PROPHECY); 1 Maccabees 2:57 is no exception, for it implies no more than a belief that there would be a restoration of the Davidic Dynasty. Perhaps it is implied that that expectation was realized in the Hasmoneans.
(7) There is no reference in the book to the doctrine of a resurrection from the dead or to that of the immortality of the soul, though we know that both these beliefs were commonly held by Jews of the time (see Daniel 12:3; Enoch 19; 22:11-14; 9:1,5 ff; 2 Maccabees 7:9, 11, 14, 29). We know that the Pharisee party believed in a resurrection (see Acts 23:6). The Maccabean heroes fought their battles and faced death without fear, not because, like Moslems, they looked to the rewards of another life, but because they believed in the rightness of their cause and coveted the good name won by their fathers by acts of similar courage and devotion.
This outline of the doctrines taught or implied in the book makes it extremely likely that the author was a member of the Sadducee party.
6. Date: 1 Maccabees must have been written before the Roman conquest under Pompey, since the writer speaks of the Romans as allies and even friends (8:1,12; 12:1; 14:40); i.e. the composition of the book must have been completed (unless we except chapters 14-16; see below) before 63BC , when Pompey conquered Jerusalem, and Judea became a Roman province. We thus get 63 BC as a terminus ad quem. Moreover, the historical narrative is brought down to the death of Simon (16:16), i.e. to 135 BC. We have thus an undoubted terminus a quo in 135 BC. The book belongs for certain to the period between 135 and 63 BC. But 1 Maccabees 16:18-24 implies that John Hyrcanus (died 105 BC) had for some time acted as successor to Simon, and Reuss, Ewald, Fritzsche, Grimm, Schurer, Kautzsch, etc., are probably right in concluding from 16:23 f that John was dead when the book was completed, for we have in this verse the usual formula recording the close of a royal career (see 1 Kings 11:41; 2 Kings 10:34, etc.), and the writer makes it sufficiently understood that all his acts were already "entered in the public annals of the kingdom" (Ewald, History of Israel, V, 463, note), so that repetition was unnecessary. But Bertheau, Keil, Wellhausen and Torrey draw the contrary conclusion, arguing that John had but begun his rule, so that at the time of writing there was practically nothing to record of the doings subsequent to 135, when John succeeded Simon (see EB ,III , 2860 (Toy)). In 1 Maccabees 13:30 we read that the monument erected in 143 BC by Simon in memory of his father and brothers was standing at the time when this book was written, words implying the lapse of say 30 years at least. This gives a terminus a quo of 113 BC. Moreover, the panegyric on Simon (died 135 BC) and his peaceful rule in 14:4-15 leaves the impression that he had been long in his grave. We cannot be far wrong in assigning a date for the book in the early part of the last century BC, say 80 BC.
Destinon (Die Quellen des Flavius Josephus, I, 1882, 80 ff), followed by Wellhausen (IJG, 1894, 222 f), maintained that Josephus (died circa 95), who followed 1 Maccabees up to the end of chapter 13, could not have seen chapters 14 through 16 (or from 14:16?), or he would not have given so meager an account of the high-priesthood of Simon (see Ant,XIII , vi, 7), which the author of 1 Maccabees describes so fully in those chapters. But Josephus must have used these chapters or he could not have written of Simon even as fully as he does.
7. Sources: If, as Torrey (EB, III, 2862) holds, we have in 1 Maccabees "the account of one who had witnessed the whole Maccabean struggle from its beginning," the book having been completed soon after the middle of the 2nd century BC, it may then be assumed that the writer depended upon no other sources than his own. But even in this case one is compelled, contrary to Torrey (loc. cit.), to assume that written sources of his own were used, or the descriptions would not have been so full and the dating so exact. If, however, we follow the evidence and bring down the date of the book to about 80 BC (see I, 6), it must be supposed that the author had access to written sources. It may legitimately be inferred from 1 Maccabees 9:22 and 16:23 and from the habit of earlier times (see Century Bible, "Ezra," etc., 11 ff) that official records were kept in the archives of the temple, or elsewhere. These might have contained the state documents referred to in I, 4, some or all, and reports of speeches and prayers, etc. It must be admitted that, unlike the compilers of the historical books of the Old Testament (Samuel, Kings, Chronicles, etc.), the author of 1 Maccabees does not definitely name his written sources. The writer might well be supposed to have kept a kind of diary of his own in which the events of his own early life were recorded. Oral tradition, much more retentive of songs, speeches and the like in ancient than in modern times, must have been a very important source.
8. Original Language: We have the testimony of Origen (see I, 1) and Jerome (Prolog. Galeatus) that the book existed in Hebrew in their day. But it is doubtful whether the words of Origen imply a Hebrew or an Aramaic original, and though Jerome does speak of the book as Hebrew (hebraicus), it has to be remembered that in later times the Greek adjective denoting Hebrew (hebraisti) and perhaps the corresponding Latin one (hebraicus) often denoted Palestinian Aramaic (see Judges 5:2; 13, 17; and Kautzsch, Grammatik des bib. Aramaic, 19).
Hebraisms (or Aramaisms?) abound throughout the book. In the following examples Hebraisms are literally rendered in Greek, though in the latter language they are unidiomatic and often unintelligible: "two years of days" = two full years (1 Maccabees 1:29, etc.); "month and month" = every month (1 Maccabees 1:58); "a man (or each one) his neighbor" = each .... the other (1 Maccabees 2:40; 3:43); "sons of the fortress" = occupants of the fortress (1 Maccabees 4:2); "against our face" = before us (1 Maccabees 4:10); "men of power" = warriors (1 Maccabees 5:32); "of them" = some of them (1 Maccabees 6:2; compare 7:33, "of the priests" = some of the priests); "the right hand wing" = the southern wing (1 Maccabees 9:1); "yesterday and the third day" = hitherto (1 Maccabees 9:44). The above are strictly Hebraisms and not for the most part Aramaisms. The implied use of the "waw-consecutive" in 1 Maccabees 3:1, 41; 8:1; 9:1, and often, points also to a Hebrew, not to an Aramaic origin.. "Heaven" as a substitute for "God," so common in this book (see I, 5), is perhaps as much an Aramaism as a Hebraism (see Targum Jerusalem Numbers 25:18). Many of the proper names in the book are obviously but trans-literations from the Hebrew; thus, Phulistiein (1 Maccabees 3:24); compare Sirach 46:18; 47:7; see the names in 1 Maccabees 11:34; and Schurer,GJV 4, I, 233.
9. Text and Versions: The original Hebrew text of 1 Maccabees (see I, 8) must have been lost at a very early time, since we have no evidence of its use by any early writer. J.D. Michaells held that Josephus used it, but this idea has been abandoned in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary. The Hebrew text of the first half of 1 Macc, edited by A. Schweitzer and taken by him to be a part of the original text, is in reality a translation from the Latin made in the 11th century of our era (so Noldeke, etc.).
(1) Greek. The Greek text from which the other versions are nearly all made is given in all editions of the Septuagint. It occurs in the uncials Codex Sinaiticus (Fritzsche, X) , Codex Alexandrinus (Fritzsche, III), and Codex Venetus (8th or 9th century), not in Codex Vaticanus; and in a large number of cursives. Swete (Old Testament in Greek) gives the text of Codex Alexandrinus with the variations of Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Venetus. Though the Greek text has so many Hebraisms, it is an exceedingly good rendering, full of spirit and on the whole more idiomatic than the rest of the Septuagint.
(2) Latin. There are two Latin recensions of the book: (a) that found in the Vulgate, which agrees almost entirely with the Old Latin version. It is in the main a literal rendering of the Greek (b) Sabatier (Bibliorum sacrorum Latinae versiones antiquae, II) published in 1743 a Latin version of 1 Maccabees 1 through 13 found in but one manuscript (Sangermanensis). Though it is evidently made from the Greek it differs at many points from the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) It is probably older than the Old Latin and therefore than the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.)
(3) Syriac. There are also two varying texts in this language. (a) The best known is that printed in the Paris Polyglot (Vol. IX), copied with some changes into the London Polyglot (Vol. IV; for readings see volume V). Lagarde (Lib. Vet. Test. Apocrypha. Syriac., 1861) has edited this version, correcting and appending readings. (b) A text differing in many respects from (a) is given by Ceriani in his Codex Ambros. of the Peshitta (1876-83), though this also is made from the Greek For a careful collection of both the above Syriac texts by G. Schmidt, see Z A T W , 1897, 1-47, 233-62.
LITERATURE.
See literature cited in the foregoing material. For texts and commentaries on the Apocrypha, see APOCRYPHA. The following commentaries deserve special mention: Grimm, Kurz. exeg. Handbuch, etc., to which the commentaries by Keil (1 and 2 Maccabees) and Bissel (Lange) owe very much; Kautzsch, Die Apocrypha des AT; W. Fair-weather and J.S. Black, Cambridge Bible, "1 Maccabees," and Oesterley in the Oxford Apocrypha edited by R. H. Charles (1913). Of the dict. articles those in E B (Torrey) and H D B (Fairweather) are excellent. See also E. Montet, Essai sur les origines des saduceens et des pharisiens, 1885; Wibrich, Juden und Griechen vor der mak. Erhebung, 1875, 69-76; B. Niese, Kritik der beiden Makkabderbucher, 1900. For a very full bibliography see Schurer,GJ V 4,III , 198 ff, and his article "Apocrypha" inR E 3, and in Sch-Herz.
II. 2 Maccabees. 1. Name: See I, above. The earliest extant mention of the book as 2 Maccabees is in Euseb., Praep. Evang., VIII, 9. Jerome also (Prol. Galeatus) calls it by this name.
2. Canonicity: In the early church 2 Maccabees was much less valued and therefore less read than 1 Maccabees. Augustine was the only church Father to claim for it canonical rank and even he in a controversy with the Donatists who quoted 2 Maccabees, replied that this book had never been received into the Canon. Since they formed an integral part of the Vulgate, 1 and 2 Maccabees were both recognized by the Council of Trent as belonging to the Romanist Canon.
3. Contents: (1) 2 Maccabees 1 through 9:18: Two letters from the Jews of Jerusalem to their brethren in Egypt, urging them to keep the Feast of Dedication and in a general way to observe the Law given them by God through Moses. Both letters appear designed to win for the Jerusalem temple the love and devotion which the Jews of Egypt were in danger of lavishing upon the Leontopolis temple in Egypt. These letters have no connection with the rest of the book or with each other, and both are undoubted forgeries. There can be no doubt that 2 Maccabees was first of all composed, and that subsequently either the author or a later hand prefixed these letters on account of their affinity in thought to the book as it first existed. See further on these lettersII , 4 and 9.
(2) 2 Maccabees 2:19-32: Introduction to what follows. The author or epitomizer claims that his history (chapter 3 to end of the book) is an epitome in one book of a larger work in 5 books by Jason of Cyrene. But see II , 4, below.
(3) 2 Maccabees 3:1 through 15:39 (End of Book): History of the rise and progress of the Maccabean wars from 176 BC, to the closing year of the reign of Seleucus IV Philopator, to the defeat and death of Nicanor in 161 BC, a period of 15 years. The record in 2 Maccabees begins one year earlier than that of 1 Maccabees, but as the latter reaches down to 135 BC (and probably below 105 BC; see I, 5), 1 Maccabees covers a period of at least 40 years, while 2 Maccabees gives the history of but 15 years (176-161BC ). The history of this period is thus treated: (a) 2 Maccabees 3:1 through 4:6: Traitorous conduct of the Benjamite Simon in regard to the temple treasures and the high priest; futile attempt of Heliodorus, prime minister of Seleucus IV, to rob the temple (see I, 3, (11) above); (b) 2 Maccabees 4:7 through 7:42 parallel 1 Maccabees 1:10-64 with significant variations and additions. Accession of Antiocus Epiphanes (175 BC); the Hellenizing of some Jews; persecution of the faithful; martyrdom of Eleazar and the 7 brethren and their mother (this last not in 1 Maccabees); (c) 2 Maccabees 8 through 15 (end) parallel 1 Maccabees 3 through 7, with significant divergences in details. Rise and development of the Maccabean revolt (see I, 3, above). In the closing verses (2 Maccabees 15:38 ff) the writer begs that this composition may be received with consideration.
The record of events in 2 Maccabees ends with the brilliant victory of Judas over Nicanor, followed by the death of the latter; but it is strange that the history of the main hero of the book should be dropped in the middle. Perhaps this abrupt ending is due to the writer's aim to commend to the Jews of Egypt the two new festivals, both connected with the Jerusalem temple: (a) Chanukkah (Festival of Dedication) (1:9,18; 2:16; 10:8); (b) Nicanor Day (15:36), to commemorate the defeat and death of Nicanor. To end the book with the account of the institution of the latter gives it greater prominence.
4. Sources: In its present form 2 Maccabees is based ostensibly on two kinds of written sources.
(1) In 2 Maccabees 2:19-32 the writer of 3:1 to the end, which constitutes the book proper, says that his own work is but an epitome, clearly, artistically and attractively set out, of a larger history by one Jason of Cyrene. Most commentators understand this statement literally, and endeavor to distinguish between the parts due to Jason and those due to the epitomizer. Some think they see endings of the 5 books reflected in the summaries at 3:40; 7:42; 10:9; 13:26; 15:37. But W.H. Kosters gives cogent reasons for concluding that the reference to Jason is but a literary device to secure for his own composition the respect accorded in ancient, as in a lesser degree in modern, times to tradition. The so-called "epitomizer'' is in that case alone responsible for the history he gives. The present writer has no hesitation in accepting these conclusions. We read such nowhere a large else of a historian called "Jason," or of such a large history at his must have been if it extended to 5 books dealing with the events of 15 years, though such a man and so great a work could hardly have escaped notice. Hitzig (Gesch. des Volkes Israels, II, 415) held that Jason or his supposed epitomizer made use of 1 Maccabees, altering, adding and subtracting to suit his purpose. But the different order of the events and the contradictions in statements of facts in the 2 books, as well as the omission from 2 Maccabees of important items found in 1 Maccabees, make Hitzig's supposition quite untenable. A careful examination of 2 Maccabees has led Grimm, Schurer, Zockler, Wibrich, Cornill, Torrey and others to the conclusion that the author depended wholly upon oral tradition. This gives the best clue to the anachronisms, inconsistencies and loose phrasing which characterize the book. According to 1 Maccabees 4:26-33, the first campaign of Lysias into Judea took place in 165 BC, the year before the death of Antiochus IV; but 2 Maccabees 11 tells us that it occurred in 163 BC, i.e. subsequent to the death of Antiochus IV. Moreover, in the latter passage this 1st expedition of Lysias is connected with the grant of freedom to the Jews, which is really an incident of the 2nd expedition, and in 2 Maccabees 13:1-24 is rightly mentioned in the account of the 2nd expedition. The writer of 2 Maccabees, relying upon memory, evidently mixes up the stories of two different expeditions. Similarly the invasions of neighboring tribes under Judas, which are represented in 1 Maccabees 5:1-68 as taking place in quick succession, belong, according to 2 Maccabees 8:30; 2 Maccabees 10:15-38; 2 Maccabees 12:2-45, to separate dates and different sets of circumstances. The statements in 2 Maccabees are obscure and confused, those in 1 Maccabees 5 clear and straightforward. Though in 2 Maccabees 10:37 we read of the death of Timotheus, yet in 12:2 ff he appears as a leader in other campaigns. There again the writer's memory plays him false as he recalls various accounts of the same events. It was Mattathias who gathered together the Jews and organized them for resistance against Syria, if we follow 1 Maccabees 2:1-70; but 2 Maccabees 8:1-7 ascribes this role to his son Judas. The purification of the temple took place 3 years subsequent to its profanation, according to 1 Maccabees 1:54; 4:52, but only 2 years, according to 2 Maccabees 10:3.
(2) The two letters sent from Palestinian to Egyptian Jews (2 Maccabees 1:1 through 2:18) form no integral part of the original 2 Maccabees. They are clearly forgeries, and abound in inaccuracies and inconsistencies. The second letter, much the longer, gives an account of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, which is irreconcilable with that in 9:1-28 and also with that in 1 Maccabees 6:1-16. Nehemiah is said in 1:18 to have rebuilt the temple and altar, a work accomplished by Zerubbabel nearly a century earlier (Ezra 3:3; 6:15). Nehemiah's work was to repair the gates and walls (Nehemiah 3:1-32; 6:1; 7:1; Sirach 49:13). The writer of this letter says (2 Maccabees 2:3-5) that at the time of the exile, Jeremiah concealed in a cave on Mt. Pisgah the tabernacle, the ark of the covenant and the altar of incense, a statement which no one accepts as correct or even plausible. That the author of the rest of the book is not the composer of the letters is proved by the difference of style and the contradictions in subject-matter. But that he himself prefixed them is made probable by the connecting particle in the Greek (de), though some (Bertholdt, Grimm, Paulus, Kosters) think rather plausibly that the letters were added by a later hand, the connection in the Greek being also introduced by him and not by the author of the rest of the book. It has been maintained that we have but one letter in 2 Maccabees 1:1 through 2:18, and on the other hand that there are three. But the division into two is quite natural and is almost universally accepted.
5. Historicity: 2 Maccabees belongs to the class of literature called by the Germans Tendenz-Schriften, i.e. writings originating in the desire to teach some doctrine or to correct some supposed error. 1 Maccabees gives us a history of the Maccabean wars as such, taking so little notice of the part played by God that the Divine Being is not so much as mentioned, except under the impersonal form Heaven (compare "Heaven helps those who help themselves"). Nor has 1 Maccabees a word to say about a life beyond the grave. In short, 1 Maccabees is written from the standpoint of the Sadducees, to which party the reigning dynasty (the Hasmonean) belonged. The writer of 2 Maccabees is evidently a Pharisee and his aim is not historical but doctrinal; i.e. the book is a historical romance with a purpose, that purpose being to make prominent the outstanding tenets of the Pharisees (see II , 6). Two extreme opinions have been defended as to the historical value of 2 Maccabees: (1) That 2 Maccabees is a strictly historical work, is more trustworthy than 1 Maccabees and is to be followed when the two books differ; so the bulk of Roman Catholics and also Niese and Schlatter. The supernaturalism of the book is to Romanists a recommendation. (2) That 2 Maccabees has virtually no historical value, since it was written for other than historical ends; so Wibrich, Kosters and Kamphausen. But the bulk of Protestant critics of recent times occupy a portion midway between these two opposite opinions, namely, that 1 Maccabees is much more accurate than 2 Maccabees and is to be preferred when the 2 books of Maccabees differ or contradict each other; so Grimm, Reuss, Schurer, Kamphausen. On the other hand, when 2 Maccabees contains historical matter absent from 1 Maccabees it is to be accepted as correct unless opposed by intrinsic improbability or direct contrary evidence. In 2 Maccabees 3 through 5 we have details concerning the Maccabean revolt not found in 1 Maccabees, and in treatment of episodes or incidents with which 1 Maccabees deals it is often fuller and more specific, as in 2 Maccabees 10:14-23; 2 Maccabees 12:7-9 (compare 1 Maccabees 5:1-5; 1 Maccabees 12:17-25); 2 Maccabees 10:24-38 (compare 1 Maccabees 5:29-44); 2 Maccabees 12:32-45 (compare 1 Maccabees 5:65, 68, 63 f). On the other hand, the account of the celestial appearances in 2 Maccabees 3:24 ff; 11:8, etc., and the description in 6:18 ff of the martyrdom of Eleazar the scribe and of the 7 brethren and their mother, carry on their face the marks of their legendary and unhistorical character. The edifying remarks scattered throughout the book, many of them pragmatic and reminding one of the Book of Daniel, confirm the impression otherwise suggested, that the author's aim was didactic and not historical. The book as it stands is a real authority for the ideas prevalent in the writer's circle at the time of its composition.
6. Teaching of the Book: In general it may be said that the doctrines taught in 2 Maccabees are those of the Pharisees of the day. Several scholars consider 2 Maccabees the answer of Pharisaism to the Sadduceeism of 1 Maccabees (see Wellhausen, Die Pharisaer und die Saducaer; compare Geiger, Urschrift und Ubersetzungen der Bibel, 219 ff). But there is evidence enough (see II , 4) that the author of 2 Maccabees had not seen 1 Maccabees. Yet it is equally clear that 2 Maccabees does give prominence to the distinctive tenets of Pharisaism, and it was probably written on that account.
(1) The strictest observance of the law is enforced. The violation of the sanctity of the Sabbath countenanced under special circumstances in 1 Macc (2:39-48) is absolutely forbidden in 2 Macc (6:6,11; 8:26 f; 12:38); compare the words of the Pharisees to Petronius when the latter proposed to have a statue of the emperor Caius erected in the temple: "We will die rather than transgress the law" (Josephus, Ant,XVIII , viii, 3).
(2) The Pharisaic party took but little interest in political affairs, and supported the Hasmoneans only because and in so far as they fought for the right to observe their religious rites. When, however, they compromised with Hellenism, the Pharisees turned against them and their allies the Sadducees. In this book we miss the unstinted praise accorded the Hasmonean leaders in 1 Maccabees, and it is silent as to the genealogy of the Hasmoneans, the death of Judas Maccabeus and the family grave at Modin.
(3) The book reveals thus early the antagonism between the Pharisees and the priestly party, which is so evident in the Gospels. The high-priesthood had through political circumstances become the property of the Maccabees, though they were not of the Aaronic family, or even of the tribe of Levi. The priestly circle became the aristocratic, broad-church party, willing to come to terms with Greek thought and life. Hence, in 2 Maccabees, Jason and Menelaus are fit representatives of the priesthood. In the list of martyrs (chapters 6 f) no priest appears, but on the other hand, Eleazar, one of the principal scribes--scribes and Pharisees were then as in New Testament times virtually one party--suffered for his loyalty to the national religion, "leaving his death for an example" (6:18-31).
(4) The temple occupies a high and honorable place in 2 Maccabees, as in the mind of the orthodox party (see 2:19; 3:2; 5:15; 9:16; 13:23; 14:31). Great stress is laid on the importance of the feasts (6:6; 10:8, etc.), of sacrifice (10:3), of circumcision (6:10), of the laws of diet (6:18; 11:31). The author seems in particular anxious to recommend to his readers (Egyptian Jews) the observance of the two new festivals instituted to commemorate the purification of the temple after its pollution by the Syrians and also the victory over Nicanor. According to this book the Chanukkah feast was established immediately after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes (10:6 ff), not before this event (1 Maccabees 4:56), probably to give it additional importance. The book closes with the defeat and death of Nicanor and the founding of the Nicanor Day festival, without mentioning the death of Judas, as though the writer's aim was to give prominence to the two new festivals.
(5) 2 Maccabees shows a Jewish particularism which agrees well with Pharisaism and Scribism, but is opposed to the broader sentiments of the ruling party: Israel is God's people (1:26); His portion (14:15); He often intervenes miraculously on behalf of Israel and the religion of Israel (3:24-30; 10:29 f; 11:6-8); even the calamities of the nation are proofs of Divine love because designed for the nation's good (5:18); but the sufferings brought upon the heathen are penal and show the Divine displeasure (4:38; 5:9; 13:8; 15:32 f). The writer is deadly opposed to the introduction of Greek customs and in particular to the establishment of a gymnasium in Jerusalem (4:7 f; 11:24). The Book of Jubilees, also written by a zealous Pharisee, takes up the same hostile attitude toward foreign customs (see 3:31; 7:20, and the note by R. H. Charles (Book of Jubilees) on the former).
(6) This book gives prominence to the doctrine of a resurrection and of a future life about which 1 Maccabees, a document of the Sadducee party, is silent, (compare I, 5 above; see 2 Maccabees 7:9, 11, 14, 36; 2 Maccabees 12:43-45; 14:46 (compareIV , 4, below)). The Sadducees, to which the Hasmoneans belonged, denied a resurrection, limiting their conception of religion to the present life, in this agreeing with the teaching of the Hebrew Scriptures down to the time of the exile (536 BC). But the Pharisees and scribes, though professing to rest their beliefs on the "Law of Moses," departed from that law in this matter (see Warburton, The Divine Legation of Moses). The resurrection is to be a bodily one (2 Maccabees 7:11, 22 f; 14:46) and to a life that is unending (2 Maccabees 7:9, 36). The following related beliefs supported in this book and forming part of the creed of orthodox Pharisaism are adduced by Romanists on behalf of their own teaching: (a) the efficacy of prayers for the dead (2 Maccabees 12:44); (b) the power exercised by the intercession of saints (2 Maccabees 15:12-14); Philo (De execrat., 9) and Josephus (Ant., I, xi, 3) held the same doctrine; (c) the atoning character of the martyrdom of the righteous (2 Maccabees 7:36, 38; compare 4 Maccabees 17:22; seeIV , 4, (3), below).
(7) The angelology of 2 Maccabees forms a prominent feature of the book (see 3:24-30; 10:29 f; 11:6-8). The Sadducees accepted the authority of the Pentateuch, though they rejected tradition. They were therefore inconsistent in allowing no place for angelic beings in their creed, though consistent in rejecting the doctrine of a future life.
(8) The comparative silence of this book on the question of the Messianic hope is strikingly in contrast with the prominence of the subject in Psalter of Solomon (17:23 ff, etc.; see Ryle and James, Psalms of Solomon, lii ff) and other contemporary writings emanating from the Pharisees. But why should the author of 2 Maccabees be expected to give equal prominence to all his opinions in one tract? Some such hope as that connected with the Messiah does, however, seem to be implied in 1:27; 2:18; 7:33; 14:15.
The present writer holds that one man is responsible for 2 Maccabees in its present form and that the only written source was the 2 letters with which the book opens (1:1 through 2:18) (see II , 4, above).
7. Author: Even if we have to assume an original in 5 books of which 2 Maccabees, as we have it, is but an epitome, it is not possible to distinguish between the sentiments of "Jason" and his epitomizer. The author--assuming but one--was evidently an Egyptian probably an Alexandrian Jew, who nevertheless retained his loyalty to the Jerusalem temple and its constitutions and desired to prevent the alienation of his fellow-countrymen in the same country from the home sanctuary and its feasts, especially the two new feasts, Chanukkah (Dedication) and Nicanor Day. The Jews of Egypt had a temple of their own, in opposition to the teaching of the Jewish law (D and P; compare Deuteronomy 12:2-18 and Leviticus 17:1-9; 19:30), and it was perhaps the growing influence of this temple that prompted the author to compose this book which sets so much honor upon the Jerusalem temple and its observances. The character of the Greek (see II , 9, below), the ignorance of Palestine and also the deep interest in Egypt which this book reveals--these and other considerations point to the conclusion that the author lived and wrote in Egypt. There is no evidence that Judas Maccabeus (Leon Allatius), or the author of Sirach (Hasse) or Philo the Jew (Honorius d'Autun) or Josephus wrote the book, though it has been ascribed by different scholars to each of the persons named.
8. Date: The book must have been written sufficiently long after 161 BC, the year with which the record closes, to allow mythical tales of the martyrdoms in 2 Maccabees 6 f and the history of the supernatural appearances in 3:24-30, etc., to arise. If we allow 30 years, or the lifetime of a generation, we come down to say 130 BC as a terminus a quo. There is probably in 15:36 a reference to the Book of Est (so Cornill, Kautzsch and Wellhausen, IJG4, 302 f) which would bring the terminus a quo down to about 100 BC. That 2 Maccabees was written subsequently to 1 Maccabees (i.e. after 80 BC) is made certain by the fact that the Jews now pay tribute to Rome (2 Maccabees 8:10, 36). Since Philo, who died about 40 AD, refers to 2 Maccabees 4:8 through 7:42 (Quod omnis probus liber, Works, edition Mangey, II, 459), the book must have been composed before 40 AD. This is confirmed by the certainty that it was written before the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple (70 AD), for the city still exists and the temple services are in full operation (3:6 ff, etc.). Hebrews 11:35 f is no doubt an echo of 2 Maccabees 6:18 through 7:42 and shows that the unknown author of Hebrews had 2 Maccabees before him. The teaching of the book represents the views of the Pharisees about the middle of the last century BC. A date about 40 BC would agree with all the evidence.
9. Original Language: That the original language was Greek is made exceedingly likely by the easy flow of the style and the almost entire absence of Hebraisms (yet see 2 Maccabees 8:15; 9:5; 14:24). No scholar of any standing has pleaded for a Hebrew original of the present book. Bertholdt, however, argued that the two letters (2 Maccabees 1:1 through 2:18) were composed in Hebrew (or Aramaic) Ewald held that the 2nd letter (2 Maccabees 1:11 through 2:18) is from the Hebrew, and Schlunkes that this applies to the 1st only. But the evidence given by these scholars is unconvincing, though the 1st letter is certainly more Hebraic in style than the 2nd letter, the contrary of what Ewald said.
10. Text and Versions: As to the texts and versions, see I, 9, above, where the statements apply here with but slight qualifications. But the book is lacking in Codex Sinaiticus as well as in Codex Alexandrinus. In addition to the Old Latin text and adopted for the Vulgate, we have another Latin text in Codex Ambrosianus, published in 1824 by Peyron; but this book is unrepresented in Sabatier's collection of Old Latin texts.
LITERATURE.
In addition to the literature mentioned under APOCRYPHA and I above, and in the course of the present article, note the following items: Commentary of Moffatt (Oxford Apocrypha); C. Bertheau, De section lib. Macc., 1829 (largely quoted by Grimm); W.H. Kosters, "De Polemiek van het tweede boek de Mak," TT, XII, 491-558; Schlatter, "Jason von Cyrene," TLZ, 1893, 322; A. Buchler, Die Tobliden u. die Oniaden im II Mak, 1889; Wibrich, Juden und Griechen, etc., 1895, 64; Kamphausen (Kautzsch, Die Apocrypha des AT). The following discussing the two letters (1:1-2:18) deserve mention: Valckenaer, De Aristobulo, 38-44; Schlunkes, Epistolae quae secundo Macc libro I, etc., 1844, 1-9; also Difficiliorum locorum epistolae, etc., 1847; Graetz, "Das Sendschreiben der Palaestinenser an die aegyptischen Gemeinden," etc., Monatss. fur Gesch. u. Wissen. des Judenthums, 1877, 1-16, 49-60; A. Buchler, "Das Sendschreiben der Jerusalemer," etc., Monatss. fur Gesch. u. Wissen. des Judenthums; see last notice, 1897, 481-500, 529-54); Bruston, "Trois lettres des Juifs de Palestine,"ZATW , X, 110-17; W. H. Kosters, "Strekking der brieven in 2 Macc," TT, 1898, 68-76; Torrey, "Die Briefe 2 Mak," ZATW, 1900, 225-42.
Continued in MACCABEES, BOOKS OF, 3-5.
Maccabees, Books Of, 3-5
Maccabees, Books Of, 3-5 - Continued from MACCABEES, BOOKS OF, 1-2.
III. 3 Maccabees. 1. Name: The name 3 Maccabees, though occurring in the oldest manuscripts and VSS, is quite unsuitable, because the book refers to events which antedate the Maccabean age by about half a century, and also to events in which the Maccabees took no part. But this book tells of sufferings and triumphs on the part of loyal Jews comparable to those of the Maccabean period. Perhaps the term Maccabees was generalized so as to denote all who suffered for their faith. Some hold that the book was written originally as a kind of introduction to the Books of Maccabees, which it precedes as Book I in Cotton's Five Books of Maccabees. But the contents of the book do not agree with this view. Perhaps the title is due to a mistake on the part of a copyist.
2. Canonicity: The book has never been reckoned as canonical by the Western church, as is shown by the fact that it exists in no edition of the Vulgate (Jerome's Latin Bible, 390-405 A.D.) and was not included in the Canon by the Council of Trent. It is for the latter reason absent from the Protestant versions of the Apocrypha which contain but the Books of Maccabees (1 and 2). But 3 Maccabees has a place in two uncials of the Septuagint (A and V) and also in the ancient (Peshitta) Syriac version of the Scriptures, and it is given canonical rank in the Apostolical Constitutions (canon 85). The book must therefore have been held in high esteem in the early church.
3. Contents: 3 Maccabees is a historical novel in which there is much more romance than history, and more silly and superficial writing than either. It professes to narrate occurrences in the history of the Jews which took place at Jerusalem and at Alexandria in which the Jews were persecuted but in various ways delivered.
(1) 3 Maccabees 1:1 through 2:24: After conquering at Raphia Antiochus III, the great king of Syria (224-187 BC), Ptolemy IV Philopator, king of Egypt (221-204 BC), resolved to visit Jerusalem and to enter the sanctum ("holy of holies," naos) of the temple to which by the Jewish law access was allowed only to the high priest, and even to him but once a year (Day of Atonement (1:11)). The Jews, priests and people, were in a paroxysm of grief and earnestly entreated him to desist, but he persisted in his plan. They then through Simon, the high priest, 219-199 BC, prayed that God might intervene and avert this desecration. The prayer is answered, the king being paralyzed before realizing his purpose.
(2) 3 Maccabees 2:25-30: Returned to Alexandria, Ptolemy is exasperated at the failure of his long-cherished project and resolves to wreak his vengeance upon the Jews of Egypt. He issues a decree that all Jews in Alexandria who refused to bend the knee to Bacchus should be deprived of all their rights as citizens.
(3) 3 Maccabees 2:31 through 4:21: A goodly number of Alexandrian Jews refuse to obey the royal mandate, whereupon Ptolemy issues an edict that all the Jews of Egypt, men, women and children, shall be brought in chains to Alexandria and confined in the race-course (hippodrome), with a view to their wholesale massacre. Prior to the massacre there is to be a complete register taken of the names of the assembled Jews. Before the list is complete the writing materials give way and the huge slaughter is averted.
(4) 3 Maccabees 4:22 through 6:21: The king, still thirsting for the blood of this people, hits upon a different method of compassing their ruin. Five hundred elephants are intoxicated with wine and incense and let loose upon the Jews in the race-course. Here we have the principal plot of the book, and we reach the climax in the various providential expedients, childish in their character, of preventing the execution of the king's purpose. The lesson of it all seems to be that God will deliver those who put their trust in Him.
(5) 3 Maccabees 6:22 through 7:23: At length the king undergoes a change of heart. He releases the Jews and restores them to all their lost rights and honors. In response to their request, he gives them permission to slay their brother-Jews who, in the hour of trial, had given up their faith. They put to death 300, "esteeming this destruction of the wicked a season of joy" (7:15).
3 Maccabees is made up of a number of incredible tales, the details of which are absurd and contradictory. The beginning of the book has evidently been lost, as appears from the opening words, "Now when Philopator" (ho de Philopator), and also from the references to an earlier part of the narrative now lost, e.g.: 1:1 ("from those who came back"); 1:2 ("the plot afore mentioned"); 2:25 ("the aforenamed boon companions"), etc.
4. Historicity: The book contains very little that is true history, notwithstanding what Israel Abrahams (see "Literature" to this section), depending largely on Mahaffy (The Empire of the Ptolemies), says to the contrary. It is much more manifest than even in the case of 2 Maccabees that the writer's aim was to convey certain impressions and not to write history (see III , 5).
The improbabilities of the book are innumerable (see Bissell, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament, 616 f), and it is evident that we have to do here with a combination of legends and fables worked up in feeble fashion with a view to making prominent certain ideas which the author wishes his readers to keep in mind. Yet behind the fiction of the book there are certain facts which prompted much of what the writer says.
(1) That Ptolemy IV bore the character of cruelty and capriciousness and effeminacy is borne out by Polybius (204-121 BC) in his History and by Plutarch in his Life of Cleomenes.
(2) The brief outline of the war between Ptolemy IV and Antiochus III, the latter being conquered at Raphia (chapters 1 f), agrees in a general way with what has been written by Polybius, Livy and Justin.
(3)In this book, by the command of Ptolemy, 500 intoxicated elephants are let loose upon the Jews brought bound to the race-course of Alexandria. Josephus (Apion, II, v) tells us that Ptolemy VII Physcon, king of Egypt, 145-117 BC, had the Jews of Alexandria, men, women and children, brought bound and naked to an enclosed space and that he had let loose on them a herd of elephants, which, however, turned instead upon his own men, killing a large number of them. The cause of the king's action was that the Jewish residents of Alexandria sided with his foes. In 3 Maccabees the cause of the action of Ptolemy IV was the failure of his project to enter the sanctum of the Jerusalem temple; this last perhaps a reflection of 2 Maccabees 3:9 ff, where it is related that Heliodorus was hindered from entering the temple by a ghostly apparition. Now these two incidents, in both of which Jews are attacked by intoxicated elephants, must rest upon a common tradition and have probably a nucleus of fact. Perhaps, as Israel Abrahams holds, the tradition arose from the action of the elephants of Ptolemy in the Battle of Raphia. Most writers think that the reference is to something that occurred in the reign of Ptolemy VII.
(4) The shutting-up of the Jews in the racecourse at Alexandria was not improbably suggested by a similar incident in which Herod the Great was the principal agent.
(5) In the opinion of Grimm (Comm., 216) we have in the two festivals (3 Maccabees 6:36; 7:19) and in the existence of the synagogue at Ptolemais an implied reference to some great deliverance vouchsafed to the Jews.
5. Aim and Teaching: 3 Maccabees was probably written by an Alexandrian Jew at a time when the Jews in and around Alexandria were sorely persecuted on account of their religion. The purpose of the author seems to have been to comfort those suffering for the faith by giving examples showing how God stands by His people, helping in all their trials and delivering them out of the hands of their enemies. Note further the following points: (1) The book, unlike 2 Maccabees, is silent as to a bodily resurrection and a future life, though this may be due to pure accident. Hades (Haides) in 3 Maccabees 4:8; 5:42; 6:31, etc., appears to stand only for death, regarded as the end of all human life. (2) Yet the belief in angelic beings is clearly implied (see 6:18 ff). (3) The author has much confidence in the power of prayer (see 2:10; 2:21-24; 5:6-10,13,50 f; 6:1-15, etc.). (4) The book lays stress upon the doctrine that God is on the side of His people (4:21, etc.), and even though they transgress His commandments He will forgive and save them (2:13; 4:13, etc.).
6. Authorship and Date: From the character of the Greek, the interest shown in Alexandrian Judaism, and the acquaintance displayed with Egyptian affairs (see I. Abrahams, op. cit., 39 ff), it may be inferred with confidence that the author was a Jew residing in Alexandria. The superior limit (terminus a quo) for the date is some time in the last century BC. Since the existence of the additions to Dan is implied (see Daniel 6:6), the inferior limit (terminus ad quem) is some time before 70 AD. If the temple had been destroyed, the continuance of the temple services could not have been implied (see 3 Maccabees 1:8 ff). As the book seems written to comfort and encourage Alexandrian Jews at a time when they were persecuted, Ewald, Hausrath, Reuss and others thought it was written during the reign of the emperor Caligula (37-41 AD), when such a persecution took place. But if Ptolemy is intended to represent Caligula, it is strange, as Schurer (GJV4, III, 491) remarks, that the writer does not make Ptolemy claim Divine honors, a claim actually made by Caligula.
Though Josephus (died 95 AD) could not have known the book, since his version of the same incidents differs so much, yet it must have been written some 30 years before his death, i.e. before the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple in 71 AD.
7. Original Language: That 3 Maccabees was composed in Greek is the opinion of all scholars and is proved by the free, idiomatic and rather bombastic character of the language in the Septuagint.
8. Text and Versions: (1) Greek. This book occurs in the two unicals Codex Alexandrinus and Codex Venetus (not in Codex Vaticanus or Codex Sinaiticus), in most cursives and also in nearly all editions of the Septuagint.
(2) Syriac. The Syriac version (Peshitta) reproduced in the Paris and London Polyglot and by Lagarde, Lib. Apocrypha. Vet. Test. It is not a good translation.
(3) Latin. The earliest Latin translation is that made for the Complutensian Polyglot.
(4) English. The earliest in English is that of Walter Lynne (1650).
LITERATURE.
Besides the commentaries by Grimm (the best), Bissell (Lange), Kautzsch and Emmet (Oxford Apocrypha), and the articles in HDB (Fairweather, excellent), Encyclopedia Biblica (Torrey, good), GJV4 (Schurer), III, 489-92; HJP, II, iii, 216-19, let the following be noted: A. Hausrath, A History of New Testament Times, 1895, II, 70 ff; Wibrich, Juden u. Griechen; Abrahams, "The Third Book of the Mace," JQR, IX, 1897, 39-58; A. Buchler, Die Tobiaden u. die Oniaden, 1899, 172-212. Both Abrahams and Buchler defend the historicity of some parts of 3 Maccabees; Wibrich, "Der historische Kern des III Makk," Hermes, Bd. 39, 1904, 244-58. For English translation see (1) Henry Cotton, The Five Books of Maccabees (Cotton calls it First Book of Maccabees); (2) W.R. Churton, The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scriptures, and (3) Baxter, The Apocrypha, Greek and English
IV. 4 Maccabees. 1. Name: 4 Maccabees is a philosophical treatise or discourse on the supremacy of pious reason ( = religious principle) in the virtuous man. The oldest title of the book, 4 Maccabees (Makkabaion d, (4)), occurs in the earliest extant manuscripts of the Septuagint (Codices Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Venetus, etc.), in the list of the Codex Claromontanus (3rd century?), the Catalogue of the Sixty Canonical Books (5th century?) and the Synopsis of Athanasius (9th century). It obtained this name from the fact that it illustrates and enforces its thesis by examples from the history of the Maccabees. Some early Christian writers, believing 4 Maccabees to be the work of Josephus (see IV , 5), gave it a corresponding title. Eusebius and Jerome, who ascribe the book to Josephus, speak of it under the name of: A Discourse concerning the Supreme Power of Reason.
2. Canonicity: Though absent from the Vulgate, and therefore from the Romanist Canon and from Protestant versions of its Apocrypha, 4 Maccabees occurs in the principal manuscripts (Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Venetus, etc.) and editions (Fritzsche, Swete, not Tischendorf) of the Septuagint, showing it was highly esteemed and perhaps considered canonical by at least some early Christian Fathers.
3. Contents: This book is a philosophical disquisition in the form of a sermon on the question "Whether pious reason is absolute master of the passions" (4 Maccabees 1:1).
(1) 4 Maccabees 1:1-12: First of all, the writer states his theme and the method in which he intends to treat it.
(2) 4 Maccabees 1:13 through 3:18: He defines his terms and endeavors from general principles to show that pious reason does of right rule the passions.
(3) 4 Maccabees 3:19 to End of Book: He tries to prove the same proposition from the lives of the Maccabean martyrs. These historical illustrations are based on 2 Maccabees 6:18 through 7:42 (compare 3 Maccabees 6).
Because the book is written as a discourse or sermon and is largely addressed to an apparent audience (4 Maccabees 1:17; 2:14; 13:10; 18:4), Freudenthal and others think we have here an example of a Jewish sermon delivered as here written. But Jewish preachers based their discourses on Scripture texts and their sermons were more concise and arresting than this book.
4. Teaching: The author's philosophical standpoint is that of Stoicism, namely, that in the virtuous man reason dominates passion. His doctrine of four cardinal virtues (phronesis, dikaiosune, andreia, sophrosune, "Providence," "Justice" "Fortitude," "Temperance" (4 Maccabees 1:18)), is also derived from Stoicism. Though, however, he sets out as if he were a true Stoic, he proceeds to work out his discourses in orthodox Jewish fashion. His all-dominating reason is that which is guided by the Divinely revealed law, that law for the faithful observing of which the martyrs died. The four cardinal virtues are but forms of that true wisdom which is to be obtained only through the Mosaic law (4 Maccabees 7:15-18). Moreover, the passions are not, as Stoicism taught, to be annihilated, but regulated (4 Maccabees 1:61; 3:5), since God has planted them (4 Maccabees 2:21).
The author's views approach those of Pharisaism. (1) He extols the self-sacrificing devotion to the law exhibited by the Maccabean martyrs mentioned in 4 Maccabees 3:9 to the end of the book. (2) He believes in a resurrection from the dead. The souls of the righteous will enjoy hereafter ceaseless fellowship with God (9:8; 15:2; 18:5), but the wicked will endure the torment of fire forever and ever (10:11,15; 12:12; 13:14). Nothing, however, is said of the Pharisees' doctrine of a bodily resurrection which 2 Maccabees, a Pharisaic document (see II , 6, (6) above), clearly teaches. (3) The martyrdom of the faithful atones for the sins of the people (4 Maccabees 6:24; 4 Maccabees 17:19-21; compare Romans 3:25).
5. Authorship and Date: According to Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica, III, 6), Jerome (De Viris Illust., xiii; C Peleg, ii.6), Suidas (Lex Iosepos) and other early writers, Josephus is the author of this book, and in Greek editions of his works it constitutes the last chapter with the heading: Phlab. Iosepou eis Makkabaions logos, e peri autokratoros logismou, "The Discourse of Flavius Josephus: or concerning the Supreme Power of Reason" (so Niese, Bekker, Dindorf, etc.). But this tradition is negated by the style and thought, which differ completely from those found in the genuine writings of that Jewish historian. Besides this, the author of the book makes large use of 2 Maccabees, of which Josephus was ignorant. Moreover, there are traditions equally ancient of a contrary kind.
The author must have been a Jew and he probably belonged to the Pharisee party (see IV , 7). He was also a Hellenist, for he reveals the influence of Greek thought more than any other apocryphal writer. He was also, it would appear, a resident of Alexandria, for the earliest notices of it occur in literature having an Alexandrian origin, and the author makes considerable use of 2 Maccabees, which emanated from Alexandria.
It is impossible definitely to fix the date of the book. But it was certainly written before the destruction of the temple in 70 AD and after the composition of 2 Maccabees, on which it largely depends. A date in the first half of the 1st century of our era would suit all the requirements of the case.
6. Original Language: The book was certainly written in Greek, as all scholars agree. It employs many of the terms of Greek philosophy and it bears the general characteristics of the Greek spoken and written at Alexandria at the commencement of the Christian era.
7. Text and Versions: (1) Greek. This book occurs in the principal manuscripts (Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Venetus, etc.) and printed editions (Grabe, Breitinger, Apel, Fritzsche, Swete (Codex Alexandrinus with variants of Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Venetus) and Baxter, The Apocrypha, Greek and English), also in various Josephus manuscripts and most editions of Josephus, including Naber, but not Niese.
(2) Latin. No Old Latin version has come down to us.
(3) Syriac. The Peshitta text is printed in Codex Ambros. (Ceriani) and by Bensley from a manuscript in The Fourth Book of Maccabees and Kindred Documents in Syriac (agrees mostly with Codex Alexandrinus). Sixtus Senensis (Bibliotheca Sancta, 1566, I, 39) speaks of having seen another 4 Maccabees. But this was probably "simply a reproduction of Josephus" (Schurer, History of the Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, II, iii, 14).
LITERATURE.
Besides the literature mentioned under the other books of Maccabees, under APOCRYPHA, and in the course of the present article, note the following: The commentaries of Grimm (excellent; the only one on the complete book) and Deissmann (in Kautzsch, A pok des Altes Testament, brief but up to date and good); the valuable monograph by Freudenthal: Die Flavius Josephus beigelegte Schrift uber die Herrschafft der Vernunft (IV. Makkabaerbuch) Untersucht, 1869. See, besides the articles in HDB (Fairweather); Encyclopedia Biblica (Torrey); Gfrorer, Philo, etc., II, 1831, 173-200; Dahne, Gesch. Darstellung der jud.-alex. Religions Philosophie, II, 1834, 190-99; and the History of Ewald, IV, 632 ff. There are English translations in Cotton, The Five Books of Maccabees, Oxford, 1832; W.R. Churton, The Uncanonical and Apocryphal Scripture; Baxter, The Apocrypha, Greek and English.
V. 5 Maccabees. 1. Name: The designation 5 Maccabees was first given to the book (now commonly so called) by Cotton (The Five Books of Maccabees English, 1832), and it has been perpetuated by Dr. Samuel Davidson (Introduction to the Old Testament, III, 465); Ginsburg (Kitto's Cycyclopedia of Biblical Literature); Bissell (Apocrypha of the Old Testament) and others. It has been called the Arabic 2 Maccabees (so in the Paris and London Polyglot), and the Arabic Maccabees. The 5 Maccabees in the Translatio Syra Peshitto, edited by Ceriani, is really nothing more than a Syriac version of the 6th book of Josephus, The Wars of the Jews.
2. Canonicity: This book has never been recognized as canonical by either Jews or Christians.
3. Contents: The book is ostensibly a history of the Jews from the attempt of Heliodorus to plunder the temple (186 BC) to about 6 BC. It is really nothing more than a clumsy compilation from 1 and 2 Maccabees and Josephus (except 5 Maccabees 12, which is the only original part, and this teems with errors of various kinds); a note at the end of 5 Maccabees 16 says 1:1 through 16:26 is called The Second Book of Maccabees according to the Translation of the Hebrews 1:1; 5:11-14macc 19 closes with the events narrated at the end of 1 Maccabees. The rest of the book (5 Maccabees 20 through 59) follows Josephus (BJ, I f) closely. Perhaps the original work ended with 5 Maccabees 19. Ginsburg (op. cit., III., 17), Bissell (Apocrypha, 639) and Wellhausen (Der arab. Josippus) give useful tables showing the dependence of the various parts of 5 Maccabees on the sources used.
4. Historicity: In so far as this book repeats the contents of 1 and 2 Maccabees and Josephus, it has the historical value of the sources used. But in itself the book has no historical worth. The author calls Roman and Egyptian soldiers "Macedonians," Mt. Gerizim, "Jezebel," Samaria "Sebaste," Shechem "Neapolis" or "Naploris." Herod and Pilate exchange names. Some of the mistakes may of course be traceable to the translation.
5. Original Language: The original work was almost certainly composed in Hebrew, though we have no trace of a Hebrew text (so Ginsburg, op. cit., and Bissell). This conclusion is supported by the numerous Hebraisms which show themselves even in a double translation. The Pentateuch is called the "Torah," the Hebrew Scriptures are spoken of as "the twenty-four books," the temple is "the house of God" or "the holy house," Judea is "the land of the holy house" and Jerusalem is "the city of the holy house." These and like examples make it probable that the writer was a Jew and that the language he used was Hebrew. Zunz (Die gottesdienstlichen Vortrage, 1832, 146 ff), Graetz (Geschichte, V, 281) and Dr. S. Davidson (op. cit., 465) say the book was written in Arabic from Hebrew memoirs. According to Zunz (loc. cit.) and Graetz (loc. cit.) the Jewish history of Joseph ben Gorion (Josippon), the "pseudo-Josephus" (10th century), is but a Hebrew recension of 5 Maccabees (the Arabic 2 Maccabees). On the contrary, Wellhausen (op. cit.) and Schurer (GJV4, I, 159 f) maintain that the shorter narrative in 5 Maccabees represents the extent of the original composition far more correctly than the Hebrew history of Josippon (which ranges from Adam to 70 AD), and than other recensions of the same history.
6. Aim and Teaching: The book was compiled for the purpose of consoling the Jews in their sufferings and encouraging them to be stedfast in their devotion to the Mosaic law. The same end was contemplated in 2, 3 and 4 Maccabees and in a lesser degree in 1 Maccabees, but the author or compiler of the present treatise wished to produce a work which would appeal in the first instance and chiefly to Hebrew (or Arabic?) readers. The author believes in a resurrection of the body, in a future life and a final judgment (5 Maccabees 5:13, 43 f). The righteous will dwell in future glory, the wicked will be hereafter punished (5 Maccabees 5:49, 50 f; 59:14).
7. Authorship and Date: We have no means of ascertaining who the author was, but he must have been a Jew and he lived some time after the destruction of the temple in 70 AD (see 5 Maccabees 9:5; 21:30; 22:9; 53:8, though Ginsburg regards these passages as late additions and fixes the date of the original work at about 6BC , when the history ends). The author makes large use of Josephus (died 95 AD), which also favors the lower date.
8. Text and Versions: The Arabic text of the book and a Latin translation by Gabriel Sionita is printed in the Paris and London Polyglots. No other ancient text has come down to us. cotton (op. cit., xxx) errs in saying that there is a Syriac version of the book.
LITERATURE.
The most important literature has been mentioned in the course of the article. The English and earlier German editions of Schurer, GJ V, do not help. The only English translation is that by Cotton made directly from the Latin of Gabriel Sionita. Bissell says that a French version appears as an appendix in the Bible of de Sacy; not, however, in the Nouvelle Edition (1837) in the possession of the present writer.
T. Witton Davies
Macedonia
Macedonia - mas-e-do'-ni-a (Makedonia, ethnic Makedon,):
I. THE MACEDONIAN PEOPLE AND LAND
II. HISTORY OF MACEDONIA
1. Philip and Alexander
2. Roman Intervention
3. Roman Conquest
4. Macedonia a Roman Province
5. Later History
III. PAUL AND MACEDONIA
1. Paul's First Visit
2. Paul's Second Visit
3. Paul's Third Visit
4. Paul's Later Visits
IV. THE MACEDONIAN CHURCH
1. Prominence of Women
2. Marked Characteristics
3. Its Members
LITERATURE
A country lying to the North of Greece, afterward enlarged and formed into a Roman province; it is to the latter that the term always refers when used in the New Testament.
I. The Macedonian People and Land. Ethnologists differ about the origin of the Macedonian race and the degree of its affinity to the Hellenes. But we find a well-marked tradition in ancient times that the race comprised a Hellenic element and a non-Hellenic, though Aryan, element, closely akin to the Phrygian and other Thracian stocks. The dominant race, the Macedonians in the narrower sense of the term, including the royal family, which was acknowledged to be Greek and traced its descent through the Temenids of Argos back to Heracles (Herodotus v.22), settled in the fertile plains about the lower Haliacmon (Karasu or Vistritza) and Axius (Vardar), to the North and Northwest of the Thermaic Gulf. Their capital, which was originally at Edessa or Aegae (Vodhena), was afterward transferred to Pella by Philip II. The other and older element--the Lyncestians, Orestians, Pelagonians and other tribes--were pushed back northward and westward into the highlands, where they struggled for generations to maintain their independence and weakened the Macedonian state by constant risings and by making common cause with the wild hordes of Illyrians and Thracians, with whom we find the Macedonian kings in frequent conflict. In order to maintain their position they entered into a good understanding from time to time with the states of Greece or acknowledged temporarily Persian suzerainty, and thus gradually extended the sphere of their power.
II. History of Macedonia. Herodotus (viii.137-39) traces the royal line from Perdiccas I through Argaeus, Philip I, Aeropus, Alcetas and Amyntas I to Alexander I, who was king at the time of the Persian invasions of Greece. He and his son and grandson, Perdiccas II and Archelaus, did much to consolidate Macedonian power, but the death of Archelaus (399 BC) was followed by 40 years of disunion and weakness.
1. Philip and Alexander: With the accession of Philip II, son of Amyntas II, in 359 BC, Macedonia came under the rule of a man powerful alike in body and in mind, an able general and an astute diplomatist, one, moreover, who started out with a clear perception of the end at which he must aim, the creation of a great national army and a nation-state, and worked consistently and untiringly throughout his reign of 23 years to gain that object. He welded the Macedonian tribes into a single nation, won by force and fraud the important positions of Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Olynthus, Abdera and Maronea, and secured a plentiful supply of gold by founding Philippi on the site of Crenides. Gradually extending his rule over barbarians and Greeks alike, he finally, after the battle of Chaeronea (338 BC), secured his recognition by the Greeks themselves as captain-general of the Hellenic states and leader of a Greco-Macedonian crusade against Persia. On the eve of this projected eastern expedition, however, he was assassinated by order of his dishonored wife Olympias (336 BC), whose son, Alexander the Great, succeeded to the throne. After securing his hold on Thrace, Illyria and Greece, Alexander turned eastward and, in a series of brilliant campaigns, overthrew the Persian empire. The battle of the Granicus (334 BC) was followed by the submission or subjugation of most of Asia Minor. By the battle of Issus (333), in which Darius himself was defeated, Alexander's way was opened to Phoenicia and Egypt; Darius' second defeat, at Arbela (331), sealed the fate of the Persian power. Babylon, Susa, Persepolis and Ecbatana were taken in turn, and Alexander then pressed eastward through Hyrcania, Aria, Arachosia, Bactria and Sogdiana to India, which he conquered as far as the Hyphasis (Sutlej): thence he returned through Gedrosia, Carmania and Persis to Babylon, to make preparations for the conquest of Arabia. A sketch of his career is given in 1 Maccabees 1:1-7, where he is spoken of as "Alexander the Macedonian, the son of Philip, who came out of the land of Chittim" (1:1): his invasion of Persia is also referred to in 1 Maccabees 6:2, where he is described as "the Macedonian king, who reigned first among the Greeks," i.e. the first who united in a single empire all the Greek states, except those which lay to the West of the Adriatic. It is the conception of the Macedonian power as the deadly foe of Persia which is responsible for the description of Haman in Additions to Esther 16:10 as a Macedonian, "an alien in truth from the Persian blood," and for the attribution to him of a plot to transfer the Persian empire to the Macedonians (verse 14), and this same thought appears in the Septuagint's rendering of the Hebrew Agagite (`aghaghi) in Esther 9:24 as Macedonian (Makedon).
2. Roman Intervention: Alexander died in June 323 BC, and his empire fell a prey to the rivalries of his chief generals (1 Maccabees 1:9); after a period of struggle and chaos, three powerful kingdoms were formed, taking their names from Macedonia, Syria and Egypt. Even in Syria, however, Macedonian influences remained strong, and we find Macedonian troops in the service of the Seleucid monarchs (2 Maccabees 8:20). In 215 King Philip V, son of Demetrius II and successor of Antigonus Doson (229-220 BC), formed an alliance with Hannibal, who had defeated the Roman forces at Lake Trasimene (217) and at Cannae (216), and set about trying to recover Illyria. After some years of desultory and indecisive warfare, peace was concluded in 205, Philip binding himself to abstain from attacking the Roman possessions on the East of the Adriatic. The Second Macedonian War, caused by a combined attack of Antiochus III of Syria and Philip of Macedon on Egypt, broke out in 200 and ended 3 years later in the crushing defeat of Philip's forces by T. Quinctius Flamininus at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly (compare 1 Maccabees 8:5). By the treaty which followed this battle, Philip surrendered his conquests in Greece, Illyria, Thrace, Asia Minor and the Aegean, gave up his fleet, reduced his army to 5,000 men, and undertook to declare no war and conclude no alliance without Roman consent.
3. Roman Conquest: In 179 Philip was succeeded by his son Perseus, who at once renewed the Roman alliance, but set to work to consolidate and extend his power. In 172 war again broke out, and after several Roman reverses the consul Lucius Aemilius Paulus decisively defeated the Macedonians at Pydna in 168 BC (compare 1 Maccabees 8:5, where Perseus is called "king of Chittim "). The kingship was abolished and Perseus was banished to Italy. The Macedonians were declared free and autonomous; their land was divided into four regions, with their capitals at Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella and Pelagonia respectively, and each of them was governed by its own council; commercium and connubium were forbidden between them and the gold and silver mines were closed. A tribute was to be paid annually to the Roman treasury, amounting to half the land tax hitherto exacted by the Macedonian kings.
4. Macedonia a Roman Province: But this compromise between freedom and subjection could not be of long duration, and after the revolt of Andriscus, the pseudo-Philip, was quelled (148 BC), Macedonia was constituted a Roman province and enlarged by the addition of parts of Illyria, Epirus, the Ionian islands and Thessaly. Each year a governor was dispatched from Rome with supreme military and judicial powers; the partition fell into abeyance and communication within the province was improved by the construction of the Via Egnatia from Dyrrhachium to Thessalonica, whence it was afterward continued eastward to the Nestus and the Hellespont. In 146 the Acheans, who had declared war on Rome, were crushed by Q. Caecilius Metellus and L. Mummius, Corinth was sacked and destroyed, the Achean league was dissolved, and Greece, under the name of Achea, was made a province and placed under the control of the governor of Macedonia. In 27 BC, when the administration of the provinces was divided between Augustus and the Senate, Macedonia and Achea fell to the share of the latter (Strabo, p. 840; Dio Cassius liii.12) and were governed separately by ex-praetors sent out annually with the title of proconsul. In 15 AD, however, senatorial mismanagement had brought the provinces to the verge of ruin, and they were transferred to Tiberius (Tacitus, Annals, i.76), who united them under the government of a legatus Augusti pro praetore until, in 44 AD, Claudius restored them to the Senate (Suetonius, Claudius 25; Dio Cassius lx .24). It is owing to this close historical and geographical connection that we find Macedonia and Achia frequently mentioned together in the New Testament, Macedonia being always placed first (Acts 19:21; Romans 15:26; 2 Corinthians 9:2; 1 Thessalonians 1:7-8).
5. Later History: Diocletian (284-305 AD) detached from Macedonia Thessaly and the Illyrian coast lands and formed them into two provinces, the latter under the name of Epirus Nova. Toward the end of the 4th century what remained of Macedonia was broken up into two provinces, Macedonia prima and Macedonia secunda or salutaris, and when in 395 the Roman world was divided into the western and eastern empires, Macedonia was included in the latter. During the next few years it was overrun and plundered by the Goths under Alaric, and later, in the latter half of the 6th century, immense numbers of Slavonians settled there. In the 10th century a large part of it was under Bulgarian rule, and afterward colonies of various Asiatic tribes were settled there by the Byzantine emperors. In 1204 it became a Latin kingdom under Boniface, marquis of Monferrat, but 20 years later Theodore, the Greek despot of Epirus, founded a Greek empire of Thessalonica. During the 2nd half of the 14th century the greater part of it was part of the Servian dominions, but in 1430 Thessalonica fell before the Ottoman Turks, and from that time down to the year 1913 Macedonia has formed part of the Turkish empire. Its history thus accounts for the very mixed character of its population, which consists chiefly of Turks, Albanians, Greeks and Bulgarians, but has in it a considerable element of Jews, Gypsies, Vlachs, Servians and other races.
III. Paul and Macedonia. In the narrative of Paul's journeys as given us in Acts 13:1-52 through Acts 28:1-31 and in the Pauline Epistles, Macedonia plays a prominent part. The apostle's relations with the churches of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Berea will be found discussed under those several headings; here we will merely recount in outline his visits to the province.
1. Paul's First Visit: On his 2nd missionary journey Paul came to Troas, and from there sailed with Silas, Timothy and Luke to Neapolis, the nearest Macedonian seaport, in obedience to the vision of a Macedonian (whom Ramsay identifies with Luke: see under the word "Philippi") urging him to cross to Macedonia and preach the gospel there (Acts 16:9). From Neapolis he journeyed inland to Philippi, which is described as "a city of Macedonia, the first of the district" (Acts 16:12). Thence Paul and his two companions (for Luke appears to have remained in Philippi for the next 5 years) traveled along the Ignatian road, passing through Amphipolis and Apollonia, to Thessalonica, which, though a "free city," and therefore technically exempt from the jurisdiction of the Roman governor, was practically the provincial capital. Driven thence by the hostility of the Jews, the evangelists preached in Berea, where Silas and Timothy remained for a short time after a renewed outbreak of Jewish animosity had forced Paul to leave Macedonia for the neighboring province of Achaia (Acts 17:14). Although he sent a message to his companions to join him with all speed at Athens (Acts 17:15), yet so great was his anxiety for the welfare of the newly founded Macedonian churches that he sent Timothy back to Thessalonica almost immediately (1 Thessalonians 3:1-2), and perhaps Silas to some other part of Macedonia, nor did they again join him until after he had settled for some time in Corinth (Acts 18:5; 1 Thessalonians 3:6). The rapid extension of the Christian faith in Macedonia at this time may be judged from the phrases used by Paul in his 1st Epistle to the Thessalonians, the earliest of his extant letters, written during this visit to Corinth. He there speaks of the Thessalonian converts as being an example "to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia" (1 Thessalonians 1:7), and he commends their love "toward all the brethren that are in all Macedonia" (1 Thessalonians 4:10). Still more striking are the words, "From you hath sounded forth the word of the Lord, not only in Macedonia and Achaia, but in every place your faith to God-ward is gone forth" (1 Thessalonians 1:8).
2. Paul's Second Visit: On his 3rd missionary journey, the apostle paid two further visits to Macedonia. During the course of a long stay at Ephesus he laid plans for a 2nd journey through Macedonia and Achaia, and dispatched two of his helpers, Timothy and Erastus, to Macedonia to prepare for his visit (Acts 19:21-22). Some time later, after the uproar at Ephesus raised by Demetrius and his fellow-silversmiths (Acts 19:23-41), Paul himself set out for Macedonia (Acts 20:1). Of this visit Luke gives us a very summary account, telling us merely that Paul, "when he had gone through those parts, and had given them much exhortation, .... came into Greece" (Acts 20:2); but from 2 Cor, written from Macedonia (probably from Philippi) during the course of this visit, we learn more of the apostle's movements and feelings. While at Ephesus, Paul had changed his plans. His intention at first had been to travel across the Aegean Sea to Corinth, to pay a visit from there to Macedonia and to return to Corinth, so as to sail direct to Syria (2 Corinthians 1:15-16). But by the time at which he wrote the 1st Epistle to the Corinthians, probably near the end of his stay at Ephesus, he had made up his mind to go to Corinth by way of Macedonia, as we have seen that he actually did (1 Corinthians 16:5-6). From 2 Corinthians 2:13 we learn that he traveled from Ephesus to Troas, where he expected to find Titus. Titus, however, did not yet arrive, and Paul, who "had no relief for (his) spirit," left Troas and sailed to Macedonia. Even here the same restlessness pursued him: "fightings without, fears within" oppressed him, till the presence of Titus brought some relief (2 Corinthians 7:5-6). The apostle was also cheered by "the grace of God which had been given in the churches of Macedonia" (2 Corinthians 8:1); in the midst of severe persecution, they bore their trials with abounding joy, and their deep poverty did not prevent them begging to be allowed to raise a contribution to send to the Christians in Jerusalem (Romans 15:26; 2 Corinthians 8:2-4). Liberality was, indeed, from the very outset one of the characteristic virtues of the Macedonian churches. The Philippians had sent money to Paul on two occasions during his first visit to Thessalonica (Philippians 4:16), and again when he had left Macedonia and was staying at Corinth (2 Corinthians 11:9; Philippians 4:15). On the present occasion, however, the Corinthians seem to have taken the lead and to have prepared their bounty in the previous year, on account of which the apostle boasts of them to the Macedonian Christians (2 Corinthians 9:2). He suggests that on his approaching visit to Achaia he may be accompanied by some of these Macedonians (2 Corinthians 9:4), but whether this was actually the case we are not told.
3. Paul's Third Visit: The 3rd visit of Paul to Macedonia took place some 3 months later and was occasioned by a plot against his life laid by the Jews of Corinth, which led him to alter his plan of sailing from Cenchrea, the eastern seaport of Corinth, to Syria (2 Corinthians 1:16; Acts 20:3). He returned to Macedonia accompanied as far as Asia by 3 Macedonian Christians--Sopater, Aristarchus and Secundus--and by 4 from Asia Minor. Probably Paul took the familiar route by the Via Egnatia, and reached Philippi immediately before the days of unleavened bread; his companions preceded him to Troas (Acts 20:5), while he himself remained at Philippi until after the Passover (Thursday, April 7, 57 AD, according to Ramsay's chronology), when he sailed from Neapolis together with Luke, and joined his friends in Troas (Acts 20:6).
4. Paul's Later Visits: Toward the close of his 1st imprisonment at Rome Paul planned a fresh visit to Macedonia as soon as he should be released (Philippians 1:26; 2:24), and even before that he intended to send Timothy to visit the Philippian church and doubtless those of Berea and Thessalonica also. Whether Timothy actually went on this mission we cannot say; that Paul himself went back to Macedonia once more we learn from 1 Timothy 1:3, and we may infer a 1 Timothy 5:11-25th visit from the reference to the apostle's stay at Troas, which in all probability belongs to a later occasion (2 Timothy 4:13).
IV. The Macedonian Church. 1. Prominence of Women: Of the churches of Macedonia in general, little need be said here. A striking fact is the prominence in them of women, which is probably due to the higher social position held by women in this province than in Asia Minor (Lightfoot, Philippians4, 55 ff). We find only two references to women in connection with Paul's previous missionary work; the women proselytes of high social standing take a share in driving him from Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13:50), and Timothy's mother is mentioned as a Jewess who believed (Acts 16:1). But in Macedonia all is changed. To women the gospel was first preached at Philippi (Acts 16:13); a woman was the first convert and the hostess of the evangelists (Acts 16:14-15); a slave girl was restored to soundness of mind by the apostle (Acts 16:18), and long afterward Paul mentions two women as having "labored with (him) in the gospel" and as endangering the peace of the church by their rivalry (Philippians 4:2-3). At Thessalonica a considerable number of women of the first rank appear among the earliest converts (Acts 17:4), while at Berea also the church included from the outset numerous Greek women of high position (Acts 17:12).
2. Marked Characteristics: The bond uniting Paul and the Macedonian Christians seems to have been a peculiarly close and affectionate one. Their liberality and open-heartedness, their joyousness and patience in trial and persecution, their activity in spreading the Christian faith, their love of the brethren--these are a few of the characteristics which Paul specially commends in them (1 and 2 Thessalonians; Philippians; 2 Corinthians 8:1-8), while they also seem to have been much freer than the churches of Asia Minor from Judaizing tendencies and from the allurements of "philosophy and vain deceit."
3. Its Members: We know the names of a few of the early members of the Macedonian churches--Sopater (Acts 20:4) or Sosipater (Romans 16:21: the identification is a probable, though not a certain, one) of Berea; Aristarchus (Acts 19:29; 20:4; 27:2; Colossians 4:10; Philemon 1:24), Jason (Acts 17:5-9; Romans 16:21?) and Secundus (Acts 20:4) of Thessalonica; Clement (Philippians 4:3), Epaphroditus (Philippians 2:25; 4:18), Euodia (Philippians 4:2; this, not Euodias (the King James Version), is the true form), Syntyche (same place) , Lydia (Acts 16:14, 40; a native of Thyatira), and possibly Luke (Ramsay, Paul the Traveler, 201 ff) of Philippi. Gaius is also mentioned as a Macedonian in Acts 19:29, but perhaps the reading of a few manuscripts Makedona is to be preferred to the Textus Receptus of the New Testament Makedonas in which case Aristarchus alone would be a Macedonian, and this Gaius would probably be identical with the Gaius of Derbe mentioned in Acts 20:4 as a companion of Paul (Ramsay, op. cit., 280). The later history of the Macedonian churches, together with lists of all their known bishops, will be found in Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, II, 1 ff; III, 1089 ff 1045 f.
LITERATURE.
General: C. Nicolaides, Macedonien, Berlin, 1899; Berard, La Macedoine, Paris, 1897; "Odysseus," Turkey in Europe, London, 1900. Secular History: Hogarth, Philip and Alexander of Macedon, London, 1897, and the histories of the Hellenistic period by Holm, Niese, Droysen and Kaerst. Ethnography and Language: O. Hoffmann, Die Makedonen, ihre Sprache und ihr Volkstum, Gottingen, 1906. Topography and Antiquities: Heuzey and Daumet, Mission archeologique de Macedoine, Paris, 1876; Cousinery, Voyage dans la Macedoine, Paris, 1831; Clarke, Travels 4, VII, VIII, London, 1818; Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, III, London, 1835; Duchesne and Bayet, Memoire sur une mission en Macedoine et au Mont Athos, Paris, 1876; Hahn, Reise von Belgrad nach Saloniki, Vienna, 1861. Coins: Head, Historia Nummorum, 193 f; British Museum Catalogue of Coins: Macedonia, etc., London, 1879. Inscriptions: CIG, numbers 1951-2010; CIL, III, 1 and III, Suppl.; Dimitsas,`H ... Athens, 1896.
M. N. Tod
Machaerus
Machaerus - ma-ke'-rus (Machairous): Not mentioned in Scripture, canonical or apocryphal, but its importance in Jewish history justifies its inclusion here. Pliny (NH, v.16,72) speaks of it as, after Jerusalem, the strongest of Jewish fortresses. It was fortified by Alexander Janneus (BJ, VII, vi, 2). It was taken and destroyed by Gabinius (ibid., I, viii, 5; Ant, XIV, v, 4). Herod the Great restored it and, building a city here, made it one of his residences (BJ, VII, vi, 1, 2). It lay within the tetrarchy assigned to Antipas at the death of Herod. The wife of Antipas, daughter of Aretas, privately aware of his infidelity, asked to be sent hither (Ant., XVIII, v, 1). Here Josephus has fallen into confusion if he meant by the phrase "a place in the borders of the dominions of Aretas and Herod" that it was still in Herod's hands, since immediately he tells us that it was "subject to her father." It was natural enough, however, that a border fortress should be held now by one and now by the other. It may have passed to Aretas by some agreement of which we have no record; and Herod, unaware that his wife knew of his guilt, would have no suspicion of her design in wishing to visit her father. If this is true, then the Baptist could not have been imprisoned and beheaded at Macherus (ibid., 2). The feast given to the lords of Galilee would most probably be held at Tiberias; and there is nothing in the Gospel story to hint that the prisoner was some days' journey distant (Mark 6:14 ff). The citadel was held by a Roman garrison until 66 AD, which then evacuated it to escape a siege (BJ, II, xviii, 6). Later by means of a stratagem it was recovered for the Romans by Bassus, circa 72 AD (BJ, VII, vi, 4).
The place is identified with the modern Mkaur, a position of great strength on a prominent height between Wady Zerqa Ma`in and Wady el-Mojib, overlooking the Dead Sea. There are extensive ruins.
W. Ewing
Machbannai
Machbannai - mak'-ba-ni, -ba-na'-i (makhbannay; the King James Version Machbanai): A Gadite who attached himself to David in Ziklag (1 Chronicles 12:13).
Machbena
Machbena - mak-be'-na (makhbenah; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Machabena; Codex Alexandrinus Machamena; the King James Version, Machbenah): A name which occurs in the genealogical list of Judah (1 Chronicles 2:49), apparently the name of a place, which may be the same as "Cabbon" (Joshua 15:40), probably to be identified with el-Kubeibeh, about 3 miles South of Beit Jibrin.
Machi
Machi - ma'-ki (makhi; Peshitta and some manuscripts of Septuagint read "Machir"): A Gadite, father of Geuel, one of the 12 spies (Numbers 13:15).
Machir; Machirite
Machir; Machirite - ma'-kir (makhir; Macheir), ma'-kir-it:
(1) The eldest son of Manasseh (Genesis 50:23). In Numbers 26:29 it is recorded that Machir begat Gilead, but another narrative informs us that the children of Machir "went to Gilead, and took it, and dispossessed the Amorites that were therein. And Moses gave Gilead unto Machir the son of Manasseh; and he dwelt therein" (Numbers 32:39-40; Joshua 17:1, 3; compare also 1 Chronicles 2:21, 25; 1 Chronicles 7:14-17; Deuteronomy 3:15; Joshua 13:31). In the song of Deborah, Machir is used as equivalent to Manasseh (Judges 5:14).
(2) Son of Ammiel, dwelling in Lo-debar (2 Samuel 9:4-5), a wealthy landowner who protected Mephibosheth (Meribbaal), son of Jonathan, until assured of the friendly intentions of David (compare Ant,VII , ix, 8). Afterward, during the rebellion of Absalom, Machir with others came to David's assistance at Mahanaim, bringing supplies for the king and his men (2 Samuel 17:27 ff).
John A. Lees
Machmas
Machmas - mak'-mas.
See MICHMASH.
Machnadebai
Machnadebai - mak-nad'-e-bi, mak-na-de'-bi (makhnaddebhay): Son of Bani, one of those who married foreign wives (Ezra 10:40).
Machpelah
Machpelah - mak-pe'-la (ha-makhpelah, "the Machpelah"; to diploun, "the double"): The name of a piece of ground and of a cave purchased by Abraham as a place of sepulcher. The word is supposed to mean "double" and refers to the condition of the cave. It is translated "double cave" (to diploun spelaion) in the Septuagint in Genesis 23:17. The name is applied to the ground in Genesis 23:19; 49:30; 50:13, and to the cave in Genesis 23:9; 25:9. In Genesis 23:17 we have the phrase "the field of Ephron, which was in (the) Machpelah."
1. Scriptural Data: The cave belonged to Ephron the Hittite, the son of Zohar, from whom Abraham purchased it for 400 shekels of silver (Genesis 23:8-16). It is described as "before," i.e. "to the East of" Mamre (Genesis 23:17) which (Genesis 23:19) is described as the same as Hebron (see, too, Genesis 25:9; 49:30; 50:13). Here were buried Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebecca, Jacob and Leah. (Compare however the curious variant tradition in Acts 7:16, "Shechem" instead of "Hebron.")
2. Tradition Regarding the Site: Josephus (BJ, IV, ix, 7) speaks of the monuments (mnemeia) of Abraham and his posterity which "are shown to this very time in that small city (i.e. in Hebron); the fabric of which monuments are of the most excellent marble and wrought after the most excellent manner"; and in another place he writes of Isaac being buried by his sons with his wife in Hebron where they had a monument belonging to them from their forefathers (Ant., I, xxii, 1). The references of early Christian writers to the site of the tombs of the patriarchs only very doubtfully apply to the present buildings and may possibly refer to Ramet el-Khalil (see MAMRE). Thus the Bordeaux Pilgrim (333 AD) mentions a square enclosure built of stones of great beauty in which Abraham, Isaac and Jacob were buried with their wives. Antonius Martyr (circa 600) and Arculf (698) also mention this monument. Mukaddasi speaks (circa 985) of the strong fortress around the tombs of the patriarchs built of great squared stones, the work of Jinns, i.e. of supernatural beings. From this onward the references are surely to the present site, and it is difficult to believe, if, as good authorities maintain, the great buttressed square wall enclosing the site is work at least as early as Herod, that the earlier references can be to any other site. It is certain that the existing buildings are very largely those which the Crusaders occupied; there are many full references to this place in medieval Moslem writers.
3. The Charam at Hebron: The Charam at Hebron, which present-day tradition, Christian, Jewish and Moslem, recognizes as built over the cave of Machpelah, is one of the most jealousy guarded sanctuaries in the world. Only on rare occasions and through the exercise of much political pressure have a few honored Christians been allowed to visit the spot. The late King Edward VII in 1862 and the present King George V, in 1882, with certain distinguished scholars in their parties, made visits which have been chiefly important through the writings of their companions--Stanley in 1862 and Wilson and Conder in 1882. One of the latest to be accorded the privilege was C.W. Fairbanks, late vice-president of the United States of America. What such visitors have been permitted to see has not been of any great antiquity nor has it thrown any certain fight on the question of the genuineness of the site.
The space containing the traditional tombs is a great quadrangle 197 ft. in length (Northwest to Southeast) and 111 ft. in breadth (Northeast to Southwest). It is enclosed by a massive wall of great blocks of limestone, very hard and akin to marble. The walls which are between 8 and 9 ft thick are of solid masonry throughout. At the height of 15 ft. from the ground, at indeed the level of the floor within, the wall is set back about 10 inches at intervals, so as to leave pilasters 3 ft. 9 inches wide, with space between each of 7 ft. all round. On the longer sides there are 16 and on the shorter sides 8 such pilasters, and there are also buttresses 9 ft. wide on each face at each angle. This pilastered wall runs up for 25 ft., giving the total average height from the ground of 40 ft. The whole character of the masonry is so similar to the wall of the Jerusalem Charam near the "wailing place" that Conder and Warren considered that it must belong to that period and be Herodian work.
The southern end of the great enclosure is occupied by a church--probably a building entirely of the crusading period--with a nave and two aisles. The rest is a courtyard open to the air. The cenotaphs of Isaac and Rebecca are within the church; those of Abraham and Sarah occupy octagonal chapels in the double porch before the church doors; those of Jacob and Leah are placed in chambers near the north end of the Charam. The six monuments are placed at equal distances along the length of the enclosure, and it is probable that their positions there have no relation to the sarcophagi which are described as existing in the cave itself.
4. The Cave: It is over this cave that the chief mystery hangs. It is not known whether it has been entered by any man at present alive, Moslem or otherwise. While the cave was in the hands of the Crusaders, pilgrims and others were allowed to visit this spot. Thus Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, writing in 1163 AD, says that "if a Jew comes, who gives an additional fee to the keeper of the cave, an iron door is opened, which dates from the times of our forefathers who rest in peace, and with a burning candle in his hand the visitor descends into a first cave which is empty, traverses a second in the same state and at last reaches a third which contains six sepulchres--those of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and of Sarah, Rebecca and Leah, one opposite the other. ... A lamp burns in the cave and upon the sepulchre continually, both night and day." The account reminds us of the condition of many Christian tomb-shrines in Palestine today.
It would appear from the description of modern observers that all entrance to the cave is now closed; the only known approaches are never now opened and can only be reached by breaking up the flags of the flooring. Through one of the openings--which had a stone over it pierced by a circular hole 1 ft. in diameter--near the northern wall of the old church, Conder was able by lowering a lantern to see into a chamber some 15 ft. under the church. He estimated it to be some 12 ft. square; it had plastered walls, and in the wall toward the Southeast there was a door which appeared like the entrance to a rock-cut tomb. On the outside of the Charam wall, close to the steps of the southern entrance gateway is a hole in the lowest course of masonry, which may possibly communicate with the western cave. Into this the Jews of Hebron are accustomed to thrust many written prayers and vows to the patriarchs.
The evidence, historical and archaeological seems to show that the cave occupies only the south end of the great quadrilateral enclosure under part only of the area covered by the church.
See HEBRON.
LITERATURE.
PEF, III., 333-46; PEFS, 1882, 197; 1897, 53; 1912, 145-150; HDB, III., article "Machpelah," by Warren; Stanley, SP and Lectures on the Jewish Church; "Pal under the Moslems," PEF; Pilgrim Text Soc. publications.
E. W. G. Masterman
Maconah
Maconah - ma-ko'-na: the King James Version Mekonah (which see).
Macron
Macron - ma'-kron (Makron>): Ptolemy Macron who had been appointed by Ptolemy Philmetor VI governor of Cyprus and deserted to Antiochus Epiphanes, king of Syria (2 Maccabees 10:12 ff). Under Antiochus he was governor of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia (2 Maccabees 8:8). In 1 Maccabees 3:38 and 2 Maccabees 4:45 he is called "Ptolemy the son of Dorymenes." At first he was a fierce and cruel enemy of the Jews and was one of those chosen by Lysias to destroy Israel and reduce Judas Maccabee (same place). Later he apparently relented toward the Jews (2 Maccabees 10:12), fell into disfavor with Antiochus Eupator, before whom he was accused by the king's friends, and was so galled by being constantly called traitor that he ended his life with poison (2 Maccabees 10:13).le in the lowest course of masonry, which may possibly communicate with the western cave. Into this the Jews of Hebron are accustomed to thrust many written prayers and vows to the patriarchs.
S. Angus
Mad; Madness
Mad; Madness - halal, shagha`; mania):
1. In the Old Testament: These words, and derivatives from the same roots are used to express various conditions of mental derangement. Though usually translated "mad," or "madness" they are often used for temporary conditions to which one would scarcely apply them today except as common colloquial inaccuracies. The madness coupled with folly in Ecclesiastes is rather the excessive frivolity and dissipation on the part of the idle rich (so in 1:17; 2:2-12; 7:25; 9:3; 10:13). The insensate fury of the wicked against the good is called by this name in Psalms 102:8. In Deuteronomy 28:28-34 it is used to characterize the state of panic produced by the oppression of tyrannical conquerors, or (as in Zechariah 12:4) by the judgment of God on sinners. This condition of mind is metaphorically called a drunkenness with the wine of God's wrath (Jeremiah 25:16; 51:7). The same mental condition due to terror-striking idols is called "madness" in Jeremiah 50:38. The madman of Proverbs 26:18 is a malicious person who carries his frivolous jest to an unreasonable length, for he is responsible for the mischief he causes. The ecstatic condition of one under the inspiration of the Divine or of evil spirits, such as that described by Balaam (Numbers 24:3 f), or that which Saul experienced (1 Samuel 10:10), is compared to madness; and conversely in the Near East at the present day the insane are supposed to be Divinely inspired and to be peculiarly under the Divine protection. This was the motive which led David, when at the court of Achish, to feign madness (1 Samuel 21:13-15). It is only within the last few years that any provision has been made in Palestine for the restraint even of dangerous lunatics, and there are many insane persons wandering at large there.
This association of madness with inspiration is expressed in the name "this mad fellow" given to the prophet who came to anoint Jehu, which did not necessarily convey a disrespectful meaning (2 Kings 9:11). The true prophetic spirit was, however, differentiated from the ravings of the false prophets by Isaiah (44:25), these latter being called mad by Jeremiah (29:26) and Hosea (2 Kings 9:7).
The most interesting case of real insanity recorded in the Old Testament is that of Saul, who, from being a shy, self-conscious young man, became, on his exaltation to the kingship, puffed up with a megalomania, alternating with fits of black depression with homicidal impulses, finally dying by suicide. The cause of his madness is said to have been an evil spirit from God (1 Samuel 18:10), and when, under the influence of the ecstatic mood which alternated with his depression, he conducted himself like a lunatic (1 Samuel 19:23 f), his mutterings are called "prophesyings." The use of music in his case as a remedy (1 Samuel 16:16) may be compared with Elisha's use of the same means to produce the prophetic ecstasy (2 Kings 3:15).
The story of Nebuchadnezzar is another history of a sudden accession of insanity in one puffed up by self-conceit and excessive prosperity. His delusion that he had become as an ox is of the same nature as that of the daughters of Procyus recorded in the Song of Silenus by Virgil (Ecl. vi.48).
2. In the New Testament: In the New Testament the word "lunatic" (seleniazomenoi) (the King James Version Matthew 4:24; 17:15) is correctly rendered in the Revised Version (British and American) "epileptic." Undoubtedly many of the demoniacs were persons suffering from insanity. The words "mad" or "madness" occur 8 times, but usually in the sense of paroxysms of passion, excitement, and foolishness. Thus in Acts 26:11 Paul says that before his conversion he was "exceedingly mad" (emmainomenos) against the Christians. In 1 Corinthians 14:23, those who "speak with tongues" in Christian assemblies are said to appear "mad" to the outsider. Rhoda was called "mad" when she announced that Peter was at the door (Acts 12:15). The madness with which the Jews were filled when our Lord healed the man with the withered hand is called anoia, which is literally senselessness (Luke 6:11), and the madness of Balaam is called paraphronia, "being beside himself" (2 Peter 2:16). Paul is accused by Festus of having become deranged by overstudy (Acts 26:24). It is still the belief among the fellahin that lunatics are people inspired by spirits, good or evil, and it is probable that all persons showing mental derangement would naturally be described as "possessed," so that, without entering into the vexed question of demoniacal possession, any cases of insanity cured by our Lord or the apostles would naturally be classed in the same category.
See also LUNATIC.
Alexander Macalister
Madai
Madai - mad'-a-i, ma'-di (madhay).
See MEDES.
Madiabun
Madiabun - ma-di'-a-bun (Madiaboun, the King James Version).
See EMADABUN.
Madian
Madian - ma'-i-an (the King James Version Judith 2:26; Acts 7:29 the King James Version).
See MIDIAN.
Madmannah
Madmannah - mad-man'-a (madhmannah; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Macharim; Codex Alexandrinus Bedebena (Joshua 15:31); Codex Vaticanus Marmena; Codex Alexandrinus Madmena (1 Chronicles 2:49)): This town lay in the Negeb of Judah and is mentioned with Hormah and Ziklag. It is represented in Joshua 19:5, etc., by Beth-marcaboth. Umm Deimneh, 12 miles North of Beersheba, has been proposed on etymological grounds (PEF, III, 392, 399, Sh XXIV).
Madmen
Madmen - mad'-men (madhmen; kai pausin pausetai): An unidentified town in Moab against which Jeremiah prophesied (48:2). The play upon the words here suggests a possible error in transcription: gam madhmen tiddomi, "Also, Madmen, thou shalt be silenced." The initial "M" of "Madmen" may have arisen by dittography from the last letter of gam. We should then vocalize it as "Dimon," which of course is "Dibon."
Madmenah
Madmenah - mad-me'-na (madhmenah; Madebena): A place mentioned only in Isaiah's description of the Assyrian advance upon Jerusalem (Isaiah 10:31). It is not identified.
Madness
Madness - mad'-nes.
Madon
Madon - ma'-don (madhon; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Marrhon; Codex Alexandrinus Madon (Joshua 11:1); Codex Vaticanus Marmoth; Codex Alexandrinus Maron (Joshua 12:19)): A royal city of the Canaanites named along with Hazor of Galilee. El-Medineh, "the city," on the heights West of the Sea of Galilee, with which it might possibly be identified, probably dates only from Moslem times. It seems likely that the common confusion of the Hebrew letter daleth ("d") for the Hebrew letter resh ("r") has occurred, and that we should read "Maron." The place may be then identified with Meiron, a village with ancient ruins and rock tombs at the foot of Jebel Jermuk, a little to the Northwest of Safed.
W. Ewing
Maelus
Maelus - ma-e'-lus (LXX: Codex Alexandrinus Maelos; Codex Vaticanus Milelos): One of those who at Esdras' request put away his foreign wife (1 Esdras 9:26 = "Mijamin" in the parallel Ezra 10:25).
Magadan
Magadan - mag'-a-dan, ma-ga'-dan (Magadan; the reading of the Textus Receptus of the New Testament, Magdala (the King James Version), but Magdala is unsupported): This name appears only in Matthew 15:39. In the parallel passage, Mark 8:10, its place is taken by Dalmanutha. From these two passages it is reasonable to infer that "the borders of Magadan" and "the parts of Dalmanutha" were contiguous. We may perhaps gather from the narrative that they lay on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee. After the feeding of the 4,000, Jesus and His disciples came to these parts. Thence they departed to "the other side" (Mark 8:13), arriving at Bethsaida. This is generally believed to have been Bethsaida Julias, Northeast of the sea, whence He set out on His visit to Caesarea Philippi. In this case we might look for Dalmanutha and Magadan somewhere South of the Plain of Gennesaret, at the foot of the western hills. Stanley (SP, 383) quotes Schwarz to the effect that a cave in the face of these precipitous slopes bears the name of Teliman or Talmanutha. If this is true, it points to a site for Dalmanutha near `Ain el-Fuliyeh. Magadan might then be represented by el-Mejdel, a village at the Southwest corner of the Plain of Gennesaret. It is commonly identified with Magdala, the home of Mary Magdalene, but without any evidence. The name suggests that this was the site of an old Hebrew mighdal, "tower" or "fortress." The village with its ruins is now the property of the German Roman Catholics. The land in the plain has been purchased by a colony of Jews, and is once more being brought under cultivation.
The identification with Magdala is made more probable by the frequent interchange of "l" for "n", e.g. Nathan (Hebrew), Nethel (Aramaic).
W. Ewing
Magbish
Magbish - mag'-bish (maghbish; Septuagint: Codex Vaticanus Magebos; Codex Alexandrinus Maabeis): An unidentified town in Benjamin, 156 of the inhabitants of which are said to have returned from exile with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:30). It does not appear in Nehemiah's list (Nehemiah 7:33). Septuagint (Codex Vaticanus), however, has Magebos. The name is probably identical with Magpiash, "one who sealed the covenant" (Nehemiah 10:20).
Magdala
Magdala - mag'-da-la.
See MAGADAN.
Magdalene
Magdalene - mag'-da-len, mag-da-le'-ne.
See MARY,III .
Magdiel
Magdiel - mag'-di-el (maghdi'el; Genesis 36:43, Septuagint: Codex Alexandrinus Metoduel; 1 Chronicles 1:54; Codex Alexandrinus Mageduel; Codex Vaticanus Meduel): One of the "dukes" of Edom.
Maged
Maged - ma'-ged.
See MAKED.
Magi, Star of
Magi, Star of - See STAR OF THE MAGI.
Magi, The
Magi, The - ma'-ji, (Magoi (Matthew 2:1, 7, 16, "Wise-men," the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version, "Magi" the Revised Version margin)):
1. Originally a Median Tribe: Were originally a Median tribe (Herodotus i.101); and in Darius' Inscriptions Magush means only a member of that tribe. It was one of them, Bardiya, who pretended to be Smerdis and raised the rebellion against Cambyses. Rabh Magh in Jeremiah 39:3 does not mean "Chief Magus," but is in Assyrian Rab mugi (apparently "commander"; compare tab mugi sa narkabti, "commander of chariots"), having no connection with "Magus" (unless perhaps Magians were employed as charioteers, Media being famous for its Nisean steeds). The investment of the Magi with priestly functions, possibly under Cyrus (Xen. Cyrop. viii), but probably much later, was perhaps due to the fact that Zoroaster (Zarathustra) belonged, it is said, to that tribe. They guarded the sacred fire, recited hymns at dawn and offered sacrifices of haoma-juice, etc. Herodotus i.132) says they also buried the dead (perhaps temporary burial is meant as in Vendidad, Farg. viii). They were granted extensive estates in Media for their maintenance, and the athravans and other priests mentioned in the Avesta may have been of their number, though only once does the word "Magus" occur in the book (in the compound Moghu-thbish, "Magus-hater," Yasna, lxv.7, Geldner's edition). The Magi even in Herodotus' time had gained a reputation for "magic" articles (compare Acts 13:6, 8). They also studied astrology and astronomy (rationes mundani motus et siderum (Amm. Marc., xxiii.6, 32)), partly learned from Babylon.
2. The Magi at Bethlehem: These latter studies explain why a star was used to lead them to Christ at Bethlehem, when our Lord was less than two years old (Matthew 2:16). No reliable tradition deals with the country whence these particular magi came. Justin Martyr, Tertullian and Epiphanius fancied that they came from Arabia, founding their opinion on the fact that "gold, frankincense and myrrh" abounded in Yemen. But the text says they came not from the South but from the East. Origen held that they came from Chaldea, which is possible. But Clement of Alexandria, Diodorus of Tarsus, Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Juvencus, Prudentius and others are probably right in bringing them from Persia. Sargon's settlement of Israelites in Media (circa 730-728 BC (2 Kings 17:6)) accounts for the large Hebrew element of thought which Darmesteter recognizes in the Avesta (SBE, IV, Intro, chapter vi). Median astronomers would thus know Balaam's prophecy of the star out of Jacob (Numbers 24:17). That the Jews expected a star as a sign of the birth of the Messiah is clear from the tractate Zohar of the Gemara and also from the title "Son of the Star" (Bar Kokhebha) given to a pseudo-Messiah
(130-35 AD). Tacitus (Hist. v.13) and Suetonius (Vesp. iv) tell us how widespread in the East at the time of Christ's coming was the expectation that "at that time men starting from Judea would make themselves masters of things" (compare Virgil, Ecl. iv). All this would naturally prepare the Magi to follow the star when it appeared.
See also ASTROLOGY; ASTRONOMY; DIVINATION; MAGIC; WISE MEN; ZOROASTRIANISM.
LITERATURE.
Herodotus; Xenophon; Amm. Marcellinus; Strabo; Spiegel, Altpersische Keilinschriften; Geldner, Avesta; Muss-Arnolt, Assyrian Dict.; BDB; RE.
W. St. Clair Tisdall
Magic; Magician
Magic; Magician - maj'-ik, ma-jish'-an:
I. DEFINITION
II. DIVISION OF THE SUBJECT
1. Magic as Impersonal
2. Margic as Personal
III. MAGIC AND RELIGION
IV. MAGIC IN THE BIBLE
1. Hostility to Magic
2. Potency of Magical Words
3. Influence of Charms
V. MAGICAL TERMS USED IN THE BIBLE
1. Divination
2. Sorcery
3. Enchantment
4. Amulets
5. Incantation
6. Repeated Utterances
7. Impostors
8. Witchcraft
LITERATURE
The word comes from a Greek adjective (magike) with which the noun techne, "art," is understood. The full phrase is "magical art" (Wisdom of Solomon 17:10). But the Greek word is derived from the magi or Zarathustran (Zoroastrian) priests. Magic is therefore historically the art practiced in Persia by the recognized priests of the country. It is impossible in the present article, owing to exigencies of space, to give a full account of this important subject and of the leading views of it which have been put forth. The main purpose of the following treatment will be to consider the subject from the Biblical standpoint.
I. Definition. In its modern accepted sense magic may be described as the art of bringing about results beyond man's own power by superhuman agencies. In the wide sense of this definition divination is only a species of magic, i.e. magic used as a means of securing secret knowledge, especially a knowledge of the future. Divination and magic bear a similar relation to prophecy and miracle respectively, the first and third implying special knowledge, the second and fourth special power. But divination has to do generally with omens, and it is better for this and other reasons to notice the two subjects--magic and divination--apart as is done in the present work.
II. Division of the Subject. 1. Magic as Impersonal: There are two kinds of magic: (1) impersonal; (2) personal. In the first, magic is a species of crude science, for the underlying hypothesis is that there are forces in the world which can be utilized on certain conditions, incantations, magical acts, drugs, etc. The magician in this case connects what on a very slender induction he considers to be causes and effects, mainly on the principle of post hoc ergo propter hoc. He may not know much of the causal agency; it is enough for him to know that by performing some act or reciting some formula (see CHARM) or carrying some object (see AMULET) he can secure some desired end. Frazer (Golden Bough(2), I, 61) says: "Magic is a kind of savage logic, an elementary species of reasoning based on similarity, contiguity and contrast." But why does the savage draw conclusions from association of ideas? There must be an implied belief in the uniformly of Nature or in the controlling power of intelligent beings.
2. Magic as Personal: In personal magic, living, intelligent, spiritual beings are made the real agents which men by incantations, etc., influence and even control. The magical acts may in an advanced stage include sacrifice, the incantations become prayer.
Impersonal magic is regarded by most anthropologists, including E.B. Tylor and J. Frazer, as more primitive than the second and as a lower form of it. This conclusion rests on an assumption that human culture is always progressive, that the movement is uniformly onward and upward. But this law does not always hold. The religion of Israel as taught in the 8th century BC stands on a higher level ethically and intellectually than that taught in the writings of Haggai, Zechariah and Eccelesiastes centuries later. Among the ancient Indians, the Rig Veda occupies much loftier ground than the much later Atharva Veda.
III. Magic and Religion. Personal magic in its higher forms shades off into religion, and very commonly the two exist together. It is the practice to speak of sacrifice and prayer as constituting elements of the ancient and modern religions of India. But it is doubtful whether either of these has the same connotation that it bears in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. J. Frazer (Golden Bough(2), I, 67 ff) says that where the operation of spirits is assumed (and "these cases are exceptional"), magic is "tinged and alloyed with religion." Such an assumption is, he admits, often made and the present writer thinks it is generally made, for even the operation of the laws of association implies it. But Frazer concludes from various considerations that "though magic is .... found to fuse and amalgamate with religion in many ages and in many lands, there are some grounds for thinking that this fusion is not primitive." It is of course personal magic to which religion stands in closest relations. As soon as man comes to see in the beings by whose power marvels are wrought, personalities capable of emotions like himself and susceptible to persuasion, his magical art becomes an intelligent effort to propitiate these superior beings and his incantations become hymns and prayers. In all religions, Jewish, Moslem, Christian or pagan, when the act or prayer as such is held to produce certain results or to secure certain desired boons, we have to do with a species of magic. The word "religion" is inapplicable, unless it includes the idea of personal faith in a God or gods whose favor depends on moral acts and on ritual acts only in so far as they have a voluntary and ethical character. If it be granted that magic, the lower, precedes religion, the higher, this does not necessarily negative the validity of the religious concept. Mature knowledge is preceded by elementary impressions and beliefs which are subjective without objective correspondences. But this higher knowledge is none the less valid for its antecedents. If it can be proved that the Christian or any other religion has become what it is by gradual ascent from animism, magic, etc., its validity is not by this destroyed or even impaired. Religion must be judged according to its own proper evidence. But see II , end.
IV. Magic in the Bible. 1. Hostility to Magic: The general remarks made on the Bible and divination in DIVINATION, V, have an equal application to the attitude of the Bible toward magic. This attitude is distinctly hostile, as it could not but be in documents professing to inculcate the teaching of the ethical and spiritual religion of Israel (see Deuteronomy 18:10 f; 2 Kings 21:6; 2 Chronicles 33:6, etc.). Yet it is equally clear that the actual power of magic is acknowledged as clearly as its illegitimacy is pointed out. In P's account of the plagues (Exodus 7:1-25 through Exodus 11:1-10) it is assumed that the magicians of Egypt had real power to perform superhuman feats. They throw their rods and they become serpents; they turn the waters of the Nile into blood. It is only when they try to produce gnats that they fail, though Aaron had succeeded by Yahweh's power in doing this and thus showed that Yahweh's power was greatest. But that the magicians had power that was real and great is not so much as called in question.
2. Potency of Magical Words: Among the ancient Semites (Arabs, Assyrians, Hebrews, etc.) there was a strong belief in the potency of the magical words of blessing and of curse. The mere utterance of such words was regarded as enough to secure their realization. That the narrator of Numbers 22:1-41 through Numbers 24:1-25 (Jahwist) ascribed to Balaam magical power is clear from the narrative, else why should Yahweh be represented as transferring Balaam's service to the cause of Israel? We have other Biblical references to the power of the spoken word of blessing in Genesis 12:3; Exodus 12:32; Judges 17:2; 2 Samuel 21:3, and of curse in Genesis 27:29; Judges 5:23; Job 3:8 (compare the so-called Imprecatory Psalms, and see Century Bible, "Psalms," volumeII , 216). On the prevalence of the belief among the Arabs, see the important work of Goldziher, Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie, Theil I, 23 ff.
3. Influence of Charms: In Genesis 30:14 (Jahwist) we have an example of the belief in the power of plants (here mandrakes) to stir up and strengthen sexual love, and we read in Arabic literature of the very same superstition in connection with what is called Yabruch, almost certainly the same plant. Indeed one of the commonest forms in which magic appears is as a love-charm, and as this kind of magic was often exercised by women, magic and adultery are frequently named together in the Old Testament (see 2 Kings 9:22; Nahum 3:4; Malachi 3:5; and compare Exodus 22:18 (17), where the sorceress (the King James Version "witch") is to be condemned to death). We have an instance of what is called sympathetic magic (for a description of which see Jevons, Introduction to History of Religion, 28 ff, and Frazer, Golden Bough(2), I, 49 ff) in Genesis 30:37 ff. Jacob placed before the sheep and goats that came to drink water peeled rods, so that the pregnant ones might bring forth young that were spotted and striped. The teraphim mentioned in Genesis 31:19 ff and put away with wizards during the drastic reforms of Josiah (2 Kings 23:24; compare Zechariah 10:2) were household objects supposed capable of warding off evil of every kind. The Babylonians and Assyrians had a similar custom. We read of an Assyrian magician that he had statues of the gods Lugalgira and Alamu put on each side of the main entrance to his house, and in consequence he felt perfectly impregnable against evil spirits (see Tallquist, Assyrian. Beach, 22).
In Isaiah 3:2 the qocem ("magician" or "diviner") is named along with the knight warrior, the judge, prophet and elder, among the stays and supports of the nation; no disapproval is expressed or implied with regard to any of them. Yet it is not to be denied that in its essential features pure Yahwism, which enforced personal faith in a pure spiritual being, was radically opposed to all magical beliefs and practices. The fact that the Hebrews stood apart as believers in an ethical and spiritual religion from the Semitic and other peoples by which they were surrounded suggests that they were Divinely guided, for in other respects--art, philosophy, etc.--this same Hebrew nation held a lower place than many contemporary nations.
V. Magical Terms Used in the Bible. Many terms employed in the Old Testament in reference to divination have also a magical import. See DIVINATION,VII . For a fuller discussion of Biblical terms connected with both subjects, reference may be made to T. Witton Davies, Magic, Divination and Demonology among the Hebrews and Their Neighbours, 44 iff, 78 ff; see also articles "Divination" and "Magic" inEB , by the present writer.
1. Divination: Here a few brief statements are all that can be attempted. Qecem, usually rendered "divination" (see Numbers 23:23), has primarily a magical reference (Fleischer), though both Wellhausen (Reste des arabischen Heidenthums 2, 133, note 5) and W. Robertson Smith (Jour. Phil., XIII, 278) hold that its first use was in connection with divination. The Arabic verb ("to exorcise") and noun ("an oath") have magical meanings. But it must be admitted that the secondary meaning ("divination") has almost driven out the other. See under I, where it is held that at bottom magic and divination are one.
2. Sorcery: The verb kashaph, the Revised Version (British and American) "to practice sorcery," comes, as Fleischer held, from a root denoting "to have a dark appearance," to look gloomy, to be distressed, then as a suppliant to seek relief by magical means. The corresponding nouns kashshaph and mekashsheph are rendered "sorcerer" in English Versions of the Bible.
3. Enchantment: Lachash, English Versions of the Bible "enchantment," etc. (see Isaiah 3:3, nebhon lachash, the Revised Version (British and American) "the skillful enchanter"), is connected etymologically with nachash, "a serpent,"' the "n" and "l" often interchanging in Semitic Lachash is, therefore, as might have been expected from this etymology, used specifically of serpent charming (see Jeremiah 8:17; Ecclesiastes 10:11; compare melachesh in Psalms 58:5 (6), English Versions of the Bible "charmer").
4. Amulets: Chebher occurs in the plural only (Isaiah 47:9, 12, English Versions of the Bible, "enchantments"). It comes from a root meaning "to bind," and it denotes probably amulets of some kind carried on the person to ward off evil. It seems therefore to be the Biblical equivalent of the Talmudic qemia`, literally, = "something bound" from qama`, "to bind."
5. Incantation: Shichar (Isaiah 47:11) seems to have an etymological connection with the principal Arabic word for "magic" (sichrun), and is explained by the great majority of recent commentators following J.H. Michaelis (Hitzig, Ewald, Dillmann, Whitehouse in Century Bible, etc.) as meaning "to charm away" (by incantations). So also Targum, Rashi, J H and Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, Talmudim, and Midrashic Literature, Michaelis, Eichhorn, etc.
6. Repeated Utterances: The verb battologeo in Matthew 6:7 (= "say not the same thing over and over again") refers to the superstition that the repeated utterance of a word will secure one's wish. In India today it is thought that if an ascetic says in one month the name of Radha, Krishna, or Rom 100,000 times, he cannot fail to obtain what he wants (see 1 Kings 18:26).
See REPETITIONS.
7. Impostors: The term goetes, the Revised Version (British and American) "impostors," the King James Version "seducers," is used of a class of magicians who uttered certain magical formulas in a deep, low voice (compare the verb goao, which = "to sigh," "to utter low moaning tones"). Herodotus (ii.33) says that there were persons of the kind in Egypt, and they are mentioned also by Euripides and Plato.
8. Witchcraft: Paul in Galatians 5:20 classes with uncleanness, idolatry, etc., what he calls pharmakeia, the King James Version "witchcraft" the Revised Version (British and American) "sorcery." The word has reference first of all to drugs used in exercising the magical article Note the name Simon Magus, which = Simon the magician (Acts 8:9 f), and Bar-Jesus, whom Luke calls a magician (magos, English Versions of the Bible, "sorcerer") and to whom he gives also the proper name Elymas, which is really the Arabic `alim = "learned," and so one skillful in the magical article.
See also under AMULET; CHARM;DEMONOLOGY ;WITCHCRAFT .
LITERATURE.
A Very full bibliography of the subject will be found in T. Witton Davies, Magic, Divination and Demonology among the Hebrews and Their Neighbours, xi through xvi. See also the literature underDIVINATION and in addition to the literature cited in the course of the foregoing article, note the following: A. Lehmann, Aberglaube und Zauberei2, 1908; A.C. Haddon, Magic and Fetishism, 1906; Blau, Das altjudische Zauberwesen, 1898; Smith, "Witchcraft in the Old Testament," Biblical Soc., 1902, 23-35; W.R. Halliday, Greek Divination; A Study of Its Methods and Principles, London, Macmillan (important) and the valuable article on "Magic" by Northwest Thomas in the Encyclopedia Brittanica, and also the relevant articles in the Bible dictionaries.
T. Witton Davies
Magistrate
Magistrate - maj'-is-trat (shephaT, corresponding to shaphaT, "to judge," "to pronounce sentence" (Judges 18:7)): Among the ancients, the terms corresponding to our "magistrate" had a much wider signification. "Magistrates and judges" (shopheTim we-dhayyanim) should be translated "judges and rulers" (Ezra 7:25). ceghanim "rulers" or "nobles," were Babylonian magistrates or prefects of provinces (Jeremiah 51:23, 28, 57; Ezekiel 23:6). In the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, the Jewish magistrates bore the same title (Ezra 9:2; Nehemiah 2:16; 4:14; 13:11). The Greek archon, "magistrate" (Luke 12:58; Titus 3:1 the King James Version), signifies the chief in power (1 Corinthians 2:6, 8) and "ruler" (Acts 4:26; Romans 13:3).
The Messiah is designated as the "prince (archon) of the kings of the earth" (Revelation 1:5 the King James Version), and by the same term Moses is designated the judge and leader of the Hebrews (Acts 7:27, 35). The wide application of this term is manifest from the fact that it is used of magistrates of any kind, e.g. the high priest (Acts 23:5); civil judges (Luke 12:58; Acts 16:19); ruler of the synagogue (Luke 8:41; Matthew 9:18, 23; Mark 5:22); persons of standing and authority among the Pharisees and other sects that appear in the Sanhedrin (Luke 14:1; John 3:1; Acts 3:17). The term also designates Satan, the prince or chief of the fallen angels (Matthew 9:34; Ephesians 2:2).
In the New Testament we also find strategos, employed to designate the Roman praetors or magistrates of Philippi, a Roman colony (Acts 16:20, 22, 35-36, 38). A collective term for those clothed with power (Eng. "the powers"), exousiai, is found in Luke 12:11 the King James Version; Romans 13:2-3; Titus 3:1. The "higher powers" (Romans 13:1) are all those who are placed in positions of civil authority from the emperor down.
In early Hebrew history, the magisterial office was limited to the hereditary chiefs, but Moses made the judicial office elective. In his time the "heads of families" were 59 in number, and these, together with the 12 princes of the tribes, composed the Sanhedrin or Council of 71. Some of the scribes were entrusted with the business of keeping the genealogies and in this capacity were also regarded as magistrates.
Frank E. Hirsch
Magnifical
Magnifical - mag-nif'-i-kal (gadhal, in Hiphil "to make great"): Old form retained from Genevan version in 1 Chronicles 22:5; in the American Standard Revised Version "magnificent."
Magnificat
Magnificat - mag-nif'-i-kat: The name given to the hymn of Mary in Luke 1:46-55, commencing "My soul doth magnify the Lord." Three old Latin manuscripts substitute the name "Elisabeth" for "Mary" in Luke 1:46, but against this is the authority of all Greek manuscripts and other Latin versions. The hymn, modeled in part on that of Hannah in 1 Samuel 2:1 ff, is peculiarly suitable to the circumstances of Mary, and plainly could not have been composed after the actual appearance and resurrection of Christ. Its early date is thus manifest.
Magnify
Magnify - mag'-ni-fi (Hiphil of gadhal; megaluno, "to make great," "extol," "celebrate in praise"): Used especially of exaltation of the name, mercy, and other attributes of God (Genesis 19:19; 2 Samuel 7:26; Psalms 35:27; 40:16; 70:4; Luke 1:46; Acts 10:46); of God's "word" (Psalms 138:2); or of Christ (Acts 19:17; Philippians 1:20). Men also can be "magnified" (Joshua 4:14; 1 Chronicles 29:25, etc.). In Romans 11:13, "magnify mine office," the word (Greek, doxazo) is changed in the Revised Version (British and American) to "glorify."
Magog
Magog - ma'-gog (maghogh; Magog): Named among the sons of Japheth (Genesis 10:2; 1 Chronicles 1:5). Ezekiel uses the word as equivalent to "land of Gog" (Ezekiel 38:2; 39:6). Josephus identifies the Magogites with the Scythians (Ant., I, vi, 1). From a resemblance between the names Gog and Gyges (Gugu), king of Lydia, some have suggested that Magog is Lydia; others, however, urge that Magog is probably only a variant of Gog (Sayce in HDB). In the Apocalypse of John, Gog and Magog represent all the heathen opponents of Messiah (Revelation 20:8), and in this sense these names frequently recur in Jewish apocalyptic literature.
John A. Lees
Magor-missabib
Magor-missabib - ma'-gor-mis'-a-bib (maghor miccabhibh, "terror on every side"): A name given by Jeremiah to Pashhur ben Immer, the governor of the temple, who had caused the prophet to be beaten and set in the stocks (Jeremiah 20:3). The same expression is used (not as a proper name) in several other passages (Psalms 31:13; Jeremiah 6:25; 20:10; 46:5; 49:29; Lamentations 2:22).
Magpiash
Magpiash - mag'-pi-ash.
See MAGBISH.
Magus, Simon
Magus, Simon - ma'-gus.
See SIMON MAGUS; MAGI; MAGIC.
Mahalah
Mahalah - ma-ha'-la, ma'-ha-la (machlah; the Revised Version (British and American) has the correct form MAHLAH): A descendant of Manasseh (1 Chronicles 7:18).
Mahalalel
Mahalalel - ma-ha'-la-lel (mahalal'el; the King James Version Mahalaleel, ma-ha'la-le-el, ma-hal'a-lel):
(1) Son of Cainan, the grandson of Seth (Genesis 5:12 ff; 1 Chronicles 1:2).
(2) The ancestor of Athaiah, one of the children of Judah who dwelt in Jerusalem after the return from exile (Nehemiah 11:4).
Mahalath
Mahalath - ma'-ha-lath (machalath):
(1) In Genesis 28:9 the name of a wife of Esau, daughter of Ishmael, and sister of Nebaioth, called in Genesis 36:3, BASEMATH (which see). The Samaritan Pentateuch, however, throughout Genesis 36:1-43 retains "Mahalath." On the other hand, in Genesis 26:34 Basemath is said to be "the daughter of Elon the Hittite," probably a confusion with Adah, as given in Genesis 36:2, or corruption may exist in the lists otherwise.
(2) One of the 18 wives of Rehoboam, a grand-daughter of David (2 Chronicles 11:18).
(3) The word is found in the titles of Psalms 53:1-6 (the Revised Version (British and American) "set to Mahalath") and Psalms 88:1-18 (the Revised Version (British and American) "set to Mahalath Leannoth," margin "for singing"). Probably some song or tune is meant, though the word is taken by many to denote a musical instrument. Hengstenberg and others interpret it as indicating the subject of the Psalms.
See PSALMS.
James Orr
Mahali
Mahali - ma'-ha-li.
See MAHLI.
Mahanaim
Mahanaim - ma-ha-na'-im (machanayim; the Greek is different in every case where the name occurs, Codex Vaticanus and Codex Alexandrinus also giving variant forms; the dual form may be taken as having arisen from an old locative ending, as, e.g. yerushala(y)im from an original yerushalem. In Genesis 32:21 machaneh is evidently a parallel form and should be rendered as a proper name, Mahaneh, i.e. Mahanaim): The city must have been one of great strength. It lay East of the Jordan, and is first mentioned in the history of Jacob. Here he halted after parting from Laban, before the passage of the Jabbok (Genesis 31:2), "and the angels of God met him." Possibly it was the site of an ancient sanctuary. It is next noticed in defining the boundaries of tribal territory East of the Jordan. It lay on the border of Gad and Manasseh (Joshua 13:26, 30). It belonged to the lot of Gad, and was assigned along with Ramoth in Gilead to the Merarite Levites (Joshua 21:38; 1 Chronicles 6:80--the former of these passages affords no justification to Cheyne in saying (EB, under the word) that it is mentioned as a "city of refuge"). The strength of the place doubtless attracted Abner, who fixed here the capital of Ishbosheth's kingdom. Saul's chivalrous rescue of Jabesh-gilead was remembered to the credit of his house in these dark days, and the loyalty of Mahanaim could be reckoned on (2 Samuel 2:8, etc.). To this same fortress David fled when endangered by the rebellion of Absalom; and in the "forest" hard by, that prince met his fate (2 Samuel 17:24, etc.). It was made the center of one of Solomon's administrative districts, and here Abinadab the son of Iddo was stationed (1 Kings 4:14). There seems to be a reference to Mahanaim in Song of Solomon 6:13 the Revised Version (British and American). If this is so, here alone it appears with the article. By emending the text Cheyne would read: "What do you see in the Shulammite?A narcissus of the valleys."
It is quite clear from the narrative that Jacob, going to meet his brother, who was advancing from the South, crossed the Jabbok after leaving Mahanaim. It is therefore vain to search for the site of this city South of the Jabbok, and Conder's suggested identification with some place near el-Buqei`a, East of es-Salt], must be given up.
On the North of the Jabbok several positions have been thought of. Merrill (East of the Jordan, 433 ff) argues in favor of Khirbet Saleikhat, a ruined site in the mouth of Wady Saleikhat, on the northern bank, 3 miles East of Jordan, and 4 miles North of Wady `Ajlun. From its height, 300 ft. above the plain, it commands a wide view to the West and South. One running "by the way of the Plain" could be seen a great way off (2 Samuel 18:23). This would place the battle in the hills to the South near the Jordan valley. Ahimaaz then preferred to make a detour, thus securing a level road, while the Cushite took the rough track across the heights. Others, among them Buhl (GAP, 257), would place Mahanaim at Michneh, a partly overgrown ruin 9 miles East of Jordan, and 4 miles North of `Ajlun on the north bank of Wady Machneh. This is the only trace of the ancient name yet found in the district. It may be assumed that Mahanaim is to be sought in this neighborhood. Cheyne would locate it at `Ajlun, near which rises the great fortress Kal`ater-Rabad. He supposes that the "wood of Mahanaim" extended as far as Michneh, and that "the name of Mihneh is really an abbreviation of the ancient phrase." Others would identify Mahanaim with Jerash, where, however, there are no remains older than Greek-Roman times.
Objections to either `Ajlun or Michneh are: (1) The reference to this Jordan" in Genesis 32:10, which seems to show that the city was near the river. It may indeed be said that the great hollow of the Jordan valley seems close at hand for many miles on either side, but this, perhaps, hardly meets the objection. (2) The word kikkar, used for "Plain" in 2 Samuel 18:23, seems always elsewhere to apply to the "circle" of the Jordan. Buhl, who identifies Mahanaim with Michneh, yet cites this verse (G A the Priestly Code (P), 112) as a case in which kikkar applies to the plain of the Jordan. He thus prescribes for Ahimaaz a very long race. Cheyne sees the difficulty. The battle was obviously in the vicinity of Mahanaim, and the nearest way from the "wood" was by the kikkar, "or, since no satisfactory explanation of this reading has been offered by the nachal, that is to say, the eager Ahimaaz ran along in the wady in which, at some little distance, Mahanaim lay" (EB, under the word). The site for the present remains in doubt.ter-Rabad. He supposes that the "wood of Mahanaim" extended as far as Michneh, and that "the name of Mihneh is really an abbreviation of the ancient phrase." Others would identify Mahanaim with Jerash, where, however, there are no remains older than Greek-Roman times.
W. Ewing
Mahaneh-dan
Mahaneh-dan - ma'-ha-ne-dan (machaneh-dhan; parembole Dan): This place is mentioned twice: in Judges 13:25 (the King James Version "the camp of Dan"), and Judges 18:12. In Mahaneh-dan, between Zorah and Eshtaol, the spirit of the Lord began to move Samson. Here the 600 marauders of Dan, coming from Zorah and Eshtaol, encamped behind Kiriath-jearim. It has been thought that these two statements contradict each other; or at least that they cannot both apply to the same place. But if we accept the identification of Zorah with Surah, and of Eshtaol with Eshu`, which there seems no reason to question; and if, further, we identify Kiriath-jearim with Khirbet Erma, which is at least possible, the two passages may be quite reconciled. Behind Kiriath-jearim, that is West of Khirbet Erma, runs the Vale of Sorek, on the north bank of which, about 2 miles apart, stand Zorah and Eshtaol; the former 3 1/2 miles, the latter 2 1/2 miles fron khirbet Erma. No name resembling Mahanehdan has yet been recovered; but the place may have lain within the area thus indicated, so meeting the conditions of both passages, whether it was a permanent settlement, or derived its name only from the incident mentioned in Judges 18:12.
W. Ewing
Maharai
Maharai - ma-har'-a-i, ma'-ha-ri (maharay, "impetuous"): One of David's "braves" (2 Samuel 23:28; 1 Chronicles 11:30; 27:13). He was one of the 12 monthly captains of David's administration, and took the 10th month in rotation. He was of the family of Zerah, and dwelt in Netophah in Judah.
Mahath
Mahath - ma'-hath (machath, "snatching"; Meth):
(1) One of the Kohathites having charge of the "service of song" in David's time, son of Amasai (1 Chronicles 6:35). Possibly the same as Ahimoth (1 Chronicles 6:25). He seems also to be the same as the person named in 2 Chronicles 29:12 during Hezekiah's time, though it is probable there is some confusion in the narrative. He is there represented as taking part in the new covenant of Hezekiah and the cleansing of the Lord's house.
(2) One of the overseers of the temple under Conaniah and Shimei (2 Chronicles 31:13); three passages of Scripture give the name, but it is difficult to individuate these because the genealogy identifies the two first named (1 Chronicles 6:35; 2 Chronicles 29:12), while the chronology seems to divide them--one in David's day, the other in Hezekiah's. It is not, however, impossible to identify the man of 2 Chronicles 29:12 with him of 2 Chronicles 31:13. Possibly the genealogy has been mistakenly repeated in 2 Chronicles 29:12.
Henry Wallace
Mahavite
Mahavite - ma'-ha-vit (machawim, "villagers"): The description given to Eliel, one of David's warrior guard (1 Chronicles 11:46), perhaps to distinguish him from the Eliel in the next verse. Massoretic Text is very obscure here.
Mahazioth
Mahazioth - ma-ha'-iz-oth, ma-ha'-zi-oth (machazi'oth "visions"): One of the 14 sons of Heman the Kohathite in the temple choir. "He was leader of the 23rd course of musicians whose function was to blow the horns" (1 Chronicles 25:4, 30).
Maher-shalal-hash-baz
Maher-shalal-hash-baz - ma'-her-shal'-al-hash'-baz (maher shalal chash baz, "the spoil speedeth; the prey hasteth"): Asymbolic name given to Isaiah's son to signify the sharp destruction of Rezin and Pekah by the Assyrian power (Isaiah 8:1, 3). Compare the Greek idea of Nemesis.
Mahlah
Mahlah - ma'-la (machlah "sickness" or "song," etymology doubtful):
(1) Eldest of Zelophehad's 5 daughters (Numbers 26:33; 27:1). As Zelophehad, grandson of Manasseh, had no sons, the daughters successfully claimed their father's inheritance. The law was altered in their favor on condition that they married into their father's tribe. They agreed and married their cousins (Numbers 36:11). The whole chapter should be read and compared with Joshua 17:3 ff, because the decision became a precedent.
(2) Another (the King James Version "Mahalah"), same Hebrew name as above, daughter of Hammoleketh, grand-daughter of Manasseh (1 Chronicles 7:18).
Henry Wallace
Mahli
Mahli - ma'-li (machli, "a sick or weak one"'):
(1) A son of Merari (Exodus 6:19, the King James Version Mahali; Numbers 3:20), grandson of Levi and founder of the Levitical family of MAHLITES (which see).
(2) A son of Mushi, Mahli's brother, bears the same name (1 Chronicles 6:47; 23:23; 24:30). Compare Ezra 8:18 and 1 Esdras 8:47.
Mahlites
Mahlites - ma'-lits (machli): Descendants of Mahli, son of Merari (Numbers 3:33; 26:58). These Mahlites appear to have followed the example of the daughters of Zelophehad, mutatis mutandis. (See MAHLAH; had the name become the description of a practice?) They married the daughters of their uncle Eleazar (1 Chronicles 23:21-22).
Mahlon
Mahlon - ma'-lon (machlon, "invalid"): Ruth's first husband (Ruth 1:2, 5; 9, 10). In the latter passage is further evidence of the unwillingness to allow a family connection or inheritance to drop (see MAHLAH; MAHLI). Note that David's descent and that of his "Greater Son" come through Ruth and Boaz (Ruth 4:22).
Mahol
Mahol - ma'-hol (machol, "dance"; compare bene-machol, "sons of dance"): The father of the 4 sages reputed next in wisdom to Solomon (1 Kings 4:31). Their names were Ethan, Heman, Chalcol, Darda.
Mahseiah
Mahseiah - ma-se'-ya, ma-si'-a (machceyah, "Yah a refuge"): Grandfather of Baruch (Jeremiah 32:12) and of Seraiah (Jeremiah 51:59). The name (not to be confused with MAASEIAH (which see) as the King James Version has done even in the above passages) is spelt "Maaseas" (which see) in Baruch 1:1.
Maiannas
Maiannas - mi-an'-as (Maiannas; the King James Version Maianeas): One of the Levites who taught the law for Esdras (1 Esdras 9:48) = MAASEIAH (which see) in Nehemiah 8:7.
Maid; Maiden
Maid; Maiden - mad, mad'-'n: Used in the King James Version in the sense of a girl or young female; of an unmarried woman or virgin, and of a female servant or handmaid. Thus, it translates several Hebrew words: (1) The more generic word is na`arah, "girl," feminine form of the common na`ar, "boy" (1 Samuel 9:11; 2 Kings 5:2, 4; Esther 2:4, 7 ff; Job 41:5; Amos 2:7) In several places masculine form na`ar, with feminine form of verb rendered "damsel" (Genesis 24:14, 16, 28, 55; 3, 12; Deuteronomy 22:15); compare he pais (Luke 8:51, 54); see also paidiske, diminutive (Sirach 41:22; Mark 14:66, 69; Luke 12:45; korasion, Septuagint for na`arah, "maid," in Matthew 9:24 f with Job 6:12 f; Susanna verses Job 15:1-35, 19). (2) The Hebrew `almah, also rendered "maid," refers to a woman of marriageable age (Exodus 2:8; Proverbs 30:19), whether married or not, whether a virgin or not. The same word is translated "virgin" in several places (Genesis 24:43 the King James Version; Song of Solomon 1:13; Genesis 6:8; Isaiah 7:14). (3) The word bethulah, a common Hebrew word for "virgin," a chaste woman Septuagint parthenos), is frequently rendered "maid" and "maiden" (Exodus 22:16; Judges 19:24; 2 Chronicles 36:17; Psalms 78:63; 148:12; Jeremiah 51:22; Lamentations 5:11; Ezekiel 9:6; 44:22; Zechariah 9:17; compare Deuteronomy 22:14, 17, having "the marks (tokens) of virginity"); bethulim, rendered "maid." See VIRGIN. (4) Two Hebrew words covering the idea of service, handmaid, handmaiden, and in numerous passages so rendered: (a) 'amah, translated "maid" (Genesis 30:3; Exodus 2:5; 20, 26; Leviticus 25:6; Ezra 2:65; Job 19:15; Nahum 2:7); (b) shiphchah, "a family servant," "a handmaid," so rendered in numerous passages ("maid," "maiden," Genesis 16:2 ff; Genesis 29:24, 29; Genesis 30:7, 9-10, 12, 18; Isaiah 24:2; Psalms 123:2; Ecclesiastes 2:7). In the King James Version they are variously translated "maid," "handmaid," etc. (5) The rather rare word habra, "favorite slave," is rendered "maid" in Judith 10:2, 5; 13:9; 16:23; Additions to Esther 15:2, 7. (6) doule, "female slave," in the King James Version Judith 12:49 (the Revised Version (British and American) "servant").
Maidservant means simply a female slave in the different positions which such a woman naturally occupies. They were the property of their masters; sometimes held the position of concubines (Genesis 31:33); daughters might be sold by their fathers into this condition (Exodus 21:7). It is regrettable that no uniform translation was adopted in the King James Version. And in the Revised Version (British and American) compare Tobit 3:7; Judith 10:10; Sirach 41:22.
"Maidservants" replaces "maidens" of the King James Version in Luke 12:45. Compare Job 31:13.
Edward Bagby Pollard
Mail - mal.
See ARMOR.
Maimed
Maimed - mam'-d (charuts; kullos, anaperos): The condition of being mutilated or rendered imperfect as the result of accident, in contrast to congenital malformation. An animal thus affected was declared to be unfit to be offered in sacrifice as a peace offering (Leviticus 22:22); although under certain conditions a congenitally deformed animal might be accepted as a free-will offering, apparently the offering of a maimed animal was always prohibited (Leviticus 22:23-24). The use of such animals in sacrifice was one of the charges brought against the Jews of his time by Malachi (Leviticus 1:8-14). The word is also used to denote those who were so mutilated. Among those made whole by our Lord in Galilee were the maimed as well as the halt (Matthew 15:30).
Figuratively the casting off of any evil habit or distracting condition which interferes with the spiritual life is called "maiming" (Matthew 18:8; Mark 9:43); with this may be taken the lesson in Matthew 19:12. In these passages "maimed" (kullos) is used of injuries of the upper limb, and cholos of those affecting the feet, rendering one halt. Hippocrates, however, uses kullos for a deformation of the legs in which the knees are bent so far outward as to render the patient lame; while he applies the term cholos as a generic name for any distortion, and in one place uses it to describe a mutilation of the head (Prorrhetica, 83). The maimed and the halt are among the outcasts who are to be brought into the gospel feast according to the parable (Luke 14:13-21).
Alexander Macalister
MAINSAlL
man'-sal.
See SHIPS AND BOATS.
Makaz
Makaz - ma'-kaz (maqats): One of the cities of the 2nd of the 12 districts or prefectures which supplied victuals for Solomon (1 Kings 4:9). It is associated with Shaalbim, Beth-shemesh and Elon-beth-hanan, all three probably identical with cities mentioned (Joshua 19:41-42) as on the border of Dan. Cheyne (EB, II, col. 2906) suggests that Makaz may bc identical with MEJARGON (which see) in the latter list.
Make, Maker
Make, Maker - mak, mak'-er (`asah, nathan, sum; poieo, tithemi, kathistemi):
1. As Used in the Old Testament: "Make" is a frequently used word, meaning "to create," "construct," "cause," "constitute," etc., and represents different Hebrew words. It is very often in the King James Version (1) the translation of `asah, "to do," "make," etc., usually' in the sense of constructing, effecting. In Genesis 1:7, 16, 25, 31, etc., it is used of the creation; of the creation of man in the likeness of God (Genesis 5:1); of the ark (Genesis 6:14); of a feast (Genesis 21:8); of the tabernacle and all the things belonging to it (Exodus 25:8, etc.); of idols (Isaiah 2:8; Jeremiah 2:28, etc.); (2) of nathan (literally, "to give"), chiefly in the sense of constituting, appointing, causing; of a covenant (Genesis 9:12; 17:2); of Abraham as the father of many nations, etc. (Genesis 17:5-6); of Ishmael as a great nation (Genesis 17:20); of Moses as a god to Pharaoh (Exodus 7:1); of judges and officers (Deuteronomy 16:18); of laws (Leviticus 26:46, etc.); it has the meaning of "to cause" (Exodus 18:16; 23:27; Numbers 5:21; 1 Samuel 9:22; Psalms 106:46); (3) sum, "to set," "put," "lay," has a similar significance: of Abraham's seed (Genesis 13:16; 32:12); Joseph lord of all Egypt (Genesis 45:9; compare Exodus 2:14; Deuteronomy 1:13; 10:22); (4) shith, with same meaning, occurs (2 Samuel 22:12, "He made darkness pavilions round about him"; 1 Kings 11:34; Psalms 18:11; 21:6). Other words are `abhadh (Aramaic); "to make," "do," (Jeremiah 10:11; Daniel 3:1); `amadh, "to set up" (2 Chronicles 11:22; 25:5; Nehemiah 10:32); `atsabh, "to labor," etc. (Job 10:8, the King James Version margin "took pains about me"); banah, "to build up" (Genesis 2:22; 1 Kings 22:39); bara', "to prepare," "create" (Numbers 16:30; Psalms 89:47); yatsagh, "to set up" (Job 17:6; Jeremiah 51:34); yatsar, "to form," "constitute" (Psalms 74:17; 104:26); pa`al, "to work," "make" (Exodus 15:17; Psalms 7:15); words with special meanings are: paqadh, "to give a charge" (1 Kings 11:28; 2 Kings 25:23); karath, "to cut," or "prepare", "to make a convent or league" (Genesis 15:18; Exodus 24:8; Joshua 9:16); qashar, "to bind together," "to make a conspiracy" (2 Kings 12:20; 14:19); parats, "to break forth," "to make a breach" (2 Samuel 6:8; 1 Chronicles 13:11; 15:13); labhen, "to make brick" (Genesis 11:3); labhabh (denominative of lebhibhah), "to make cakes" (2 Samuel 13:6, 8); malakh, "to make a king" (1 Samuel 8:22; 12:1); among obsolete and archaic words and phrases may be mentioned, "What makest thou in this place?" (Judges 18:3), the Revised Version (British and American) "doest"; "made" for "pretend" (2 Samuel 13:5-6), the Revised Version (British and American) "feign," "feigned"; "made as if" (Joshua 8:15; 9:4), so the Revised Version (British and American); "make for him" (Ezekiel 17:17), the Revised Version (British and American) "help him"; "make mention" (Jeremiah 4:16); "make mention of" (Genesis 40:14; Psalms 87:4); "make account" (Psalms 144:3); "make an end" (Judges 3:18; 15:17); "make an end" is also "to bring to nought," "to destroy" (Isaiah 38:12); "make riddance" (Leviticus 23:22), the Revised Version (British and American) "wholly reap." In 1 Maccabees 16:22, we have "to make him away" as translation of apolesai auton, the Revised Version (British and American) "destroy."
Maker is the translation of `asah (Job 4:17; Psalms 95:6), of yatsar (Isaiah 45:9, 11; Habakkuk 2:18 twice), of charash, "graver" (Isaiah 45:16), of pa`al (Job 36:3; Isaiah 1:31, or po`al).
2. As Used in the New Testament: In the New Testament the chief word for "make" is poieo, "to do," "make," etc. (Matthew 3:3; John 2:16; 5:15); of kathistemi, "to set down," "to appoint" (Matthew 24:45, 47; Romans 5:19); of tithemi, "to set," "lay" (Matthew 22:44; Mark 12:36); of diatithemi, "to set or lay throughout" (Acts 3:25; Hebrews 8:10; 10:16); of didomi, "to give" (2 Thessalonians 3:9; Revelation 3:9); of eimi, "to be" (Mark 12:42); of epiteleo "to complete" (Hebrews 8:5; Galatians 3:3, "make perfect," the Revised Version margin "make an end"); of Kataskeuazo, "to prepare thoroughly" (Hebrews 9:2, the Revised Version (British and American) "prepared"); of ktizo, "to make" "found" (Ephesians 2:15); of plerophoreo, "to bear "on fully" (2 Timothy 4:5, "make full proof of thy ministry," the Revised Version (British and American) "fulfil"); doxazo "to make honorable or glorious" (2 Corinthians 3:10); of peritrepo (eis manian), "to turn round to raving" (Acts 26:24, "doth make thee mad," the Revised Version (British and American) "is turning thee mad," margin "Greek: turneth thee to madness"); of emporeuomai, "to traffic," "cheat" (2 Peter 2:3 "make merchandise of you"); of eirenopoieo, "to make peace" (Colossians 1:20); of sumballo, "to throw together" (Luke 14:31; "to make war," the Revised Version (British and American) "goeth to encounter"); "made" is frequently the translation of ginomai, "to become," "begin to be" (Matthew 4:3; 9:16; Mark 2:21, 27; John 1:3 (thrice),10, "The world was made through him," 1:14, "The word was made flesh," the Revised Version (British and American) "became flesh"; 2:9, water "made wine," the Revised Version (British and American) "now become wine," margin "that it had become"; 8:33, "made free"' Romans 1:3, Revised Vesion "born" Galatians 3:13, the Revised Version (British and American) "having become a curse for us"; Galatians 4:4, the Revised Version (British and American) "born of a woman," etc.; Philippians 2:7, "was made in the likeness of men," the Revised Version margin "Greek: becoming in"; 1 Peter 2:7, etc.).
In addition to the changes in the Revised Version (British and American) already noted may be mentioned, for "maketh collops" (Job 15:27) "gathered fat"; for "set us in the way of his steps" (Psalms 85:13), "make his footsteps a way to walk in"; for "did more grievously afflict her" (Isaiah 9:1), "hath made it glorious"; for "shall make him of quick understanding" (Isaiah 11:3), 'his delight shall be in"; for "make sluices and ponds for fish" (Isaiah 19:10), "they that work for hire," margin "or make dams "; for "ye that make mention of the Lord" (Isaiah 62:6), "ye that are Yahweh's remembrancers"; for "he shall confirm the covenant" (Daniel 9:27), "he shall make a firm covenant"; for "maketh my way perfect" (2 Samuel 22:33), "guideth the perfect in his way" (see margin); for "the desire of a man is his kindness" (Proverbs 19:22), "that which maketh a man to be desired"; for, "maketh intercession" (Romans 11:2), "pleadeth"; for hath made us accepted" (Ephesians 1:6), "freely bestowed on us," margin "wherewith he endued us";. for "made himself of no reputation" (Philippians 2:7), "emptied himself"; for "spoil you" (Colossians 2:8), "maketh spoil of you"; for "is the enemy of God" (James 4:4), "maketh himself"; for "worketh abomination or (maketh) a lie" (Revelation 21:27), "maketh (m" doeth") an abomination and a lie"; we have "become" for "made" (Matthew 4:3; Luke 3:5; 4:3), "became" (Romans 10:20; 1 Corinthians 15:45, bis); "becoming in" for "being made" (Philippians 2:7 margin).
W. L. Walker
Makebates
Makebates - mik'-bats: This is the plural of the word makebate, which means "one who stirs up strife." It occurs only in the King James Version margin of 2 Timothy 3:3 and Titus 2:3 as an alternative translation of diaboloi, which the King James Version renders "false accusers," and the Revised Version (British and American) "slanderers."
Maked
Maked - ma'-ked (Maked, Makeb) : A strong city East of the Jordan, not yet identified. It is named along with Bosor, Alema and Casphor (1 Maccabees 5:26). In 1 Maccabees 5:36, the King James Version reads "Maged."
Maker
Maker - ma'-ker.
See MAKE.
Makheloth
Makheloth - mak-he'-loth, mak-he'-loth (maqheloth, "assemblies"): A desert camp of the Israelites between Haradah and Tahath (Numbers 33:25-26).
See WANDERINGS OF ISRAEL.
Makkedah
Makkedah - ma-ke'-da (maqqedhah; Makeda): A Canaanite royal city which Joshua captured, utterly destroying the inhabitants, and doing to the king as he had done unto the king of Jericho (Joshua 10:28; 12:16). It lay in the Shephelah of Judah (Joshua 15:41). It was brought into prominence by the flight thither of the 5 kings of the Amorites who, having united their forces for the destruction of Gibeon, were themselves defeated and pursued by Joshua (chapter 10). Seeing their danger, the men of Gibeon sent to the camp at Gilgal beseeching Joshua to save and help them. That energetic commander marched all night with his full strength, fell upon the allies at Gibeon, slew them with a great slaughter, chased the fugitives down the valley by way of Beth-horon, and smote them unto Azekah and unto Makkedah. It was during this memorable pursuit that in response to Joshua's appeal:
"Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon;
And thou, Moon, in the valley of Aijalon,"
the sun stayed in the midst of heaven, and hasted not to go down a whole day, until the nation had avenged themselves of their enemies.
The 5 kings sought refuge in the cave at Makkedah, where, by Joshua's orders, they were blocked in with great stones, until the slaughter of the fugitives should be completed. Then the royal prisoners were brought out, and, after the chiefs of Israel had set their feet upon their necks, Joshua slew them and hanged them on five trees until sunset. This is an illustration of the old practice of impaling enemies after death. The bodies were then cast into the cave where they had sought to hide, and great stones were rolled against the entrance.
The flight of the allies was past Beth-boron and Azekah to Makkedah. Azekah is not identified, but it is named with Gederoth, Beth-dagon, and Naamah (Joshua 15:41). These are probably represented by Qatrah, Dajan and Na`aneh, so that in this district Makkedah may be sought. The officers of the Palestine Exploration Fund agree in suggesting el-Mughdr, "the cave," on the northern bank of Wady es-Surar, about 4 miles from the sand dunes on the shore. There are traces of old quarrying and many rock-cut tombs with loculi. "The village stands on a sort of promontory stretching into the valley .... divided into three plateaus; on the lower of these to the South is the modern village, el-Mughar, built in front of the caves which are cut out of the sandstone" (Warren). In no other place in the neighborhood are caves found. The narrative, however, speaks not of caves, but of "the cave," as of one which was notable. On the other hand the events narrated may have lent distinction to some particular cave among the many. "The cave" would therefore be that associated with the fate of the 5 kings. No certainty is possible.
W. Ewing
Maktesh, The
Maktesh, The - mak'-tesh, (ha-makhtesh, "the mortar"; compare Judges 15:19, "the mortar," English Versions of the Bible "hollow place that is in Lehi"): A quarter of Jerusalem so named, it is supposed, on account of the configuration of the ground and associated (Zephaniah 1:10-11) with the "fish gate" and MISHNEH (which see) or "second quarter." Most authorities think it was in the northern part of the city, and many consider that the name was derived from the hollowed-out form of that part of the Tyropeon just N. of the walls, where foreign merchants congregated; others have suggested a hollow farther West, now occupied by the muristan and the three long bazaars.
E. W. G. Masterman
Malachi
Malachi - mal'-a-ki:
1. Name of the Prophet
2. The Prophet's Times
3. Contents
4. Style
5. Message
LITERATURE
1. Name of the Prophet: The last book of the Old Testament. Nothing is known of the person of Malachi. Because his name does not occur elsewhere, some scholars indeed doubt whether "Malachi" is intended to be the personal name of the prophet. But none of the other prophetic books of the Old Testament is anonymous. The form mal'akhi, signifies "my messenger"; it occurs again in 3:1; compare 2:7. But this form of itself would hardly be appropriate as a proper name without some additional syllable such as Yah, whence mal'akhiah, i.e. "messenger of Yahweh." Haggai, in fact, is expressly designated "messenger of Yahweh" (Haggai 1:13). Besides, the superscriptions prefixed to the book, in both the Septuagint and the Vulgate, warrant the supposition that Malachi's full name ended with the syllable -yah. At the same time the Septuagint translates the last clause of Malachi 1:1, "by the hand of his messenger," and the Targum reads, "by the hand of my angel, whose name is called Ezra the scribe." Jerome likewise testifies that the Jews of his day ascribed this last book of prophecy to Ezra (V. Praef. in duodecim Prophetas). But if Ezra's name was originally associated with the book, it would hardly have been dropped by the collectors of the prophetic Canon who, lived only a century or two subsequent to Ezra's time. Certain traditions ascribe the book to Zerubbabel and Nehemiah; others, still, to Malachi, whom they designate as a Levite and a member of the "Great Synagogue." Certain modern scholars, however, on the basis of the similarity of the title (Malachi 1:1) to Zechariah 9:1; 12:1, declare it to be anonymous; but this is a rash conclusion without any substantial proof other than supposition. The best explanation is that of Professor G.G. Cameron, who suggests that the termination of the word "Malachi" is adjectival, and equivalent to the Latin angelicus, signifying "one charged with a message or mission" (a missionary). The term would thus be an official title; and the thought would not be unsuitable to one whose message closed the prophetical Canon of the Old Testament, and whose mission in behalf of the church was so sacred in character (1-vol HDB).
2. The Prophet's Times: Opinions vary as to the prophet's exact date, but nearly all scholars are agreed that Malachi prophesied during the Persian period, and after the reconstruction and dedication of the second temple in 516 BC (compare Malachi 1:10; 1, 10). The prophet speaks of the people's governor" (Hebrew pechah, Malachi 1:8), as do Haggai and Nehemiah (Haggai 1:1; Nehemiah 5:14; 12:26). The social conditions portrayed are unquestionably those also of the period of the Restoration. More specifically, Malachi probably lived and labored during the times of Ezra and Nehemiah. Serious abuses had crept into Jewish life; the priests had become lax and degenerate, defective and inferior sacrifices were allowed to be offered upon the temple altar, the people were neglecting their tithes, divorce was common and God's covenant was forgotten and ignored; just such abuses as we know from the Book of Neh were common in his day (compare Nehemiah 3:5; Nehemiah 5:1-13). Yet, it is doubtful whether Malachi preached during Nehemiah's active governorship; for in Malachi 1:8 it is implied that gifts might be offered to the "governor," whereas Nehemiah tells us that he declined all such (Nehemiah 5:15, 18). On the other hand, the abuses which Malachi attacked correspond so exactly with those which Nehemiah found on his 2nd visit to Jerusalem in 432 BC (Nehemiah 13:7 ff) that it seems reasonably certain that he prophesied shortly before that date, i.e. between 445 and 432 BC. As Dr. J.M.P. Smith says, The Book of Mal fits the situation amid which Nehemiah worked as snugly as a bone fits its socket" (ICC, 7). That the prophet should exhort the people to remember the law of Moses, which was publicly read by Ezra in the year 444 BC, is in perfect agreement with this conclusion, despite the fact that Stade, Cornill and Kautzsch argue for a date prior to the time of Ezra. On the other hand, Nagelsbach, Kohler, Orelli, Reuss and Volck rightly place the book in the period between the two visits of Nehemiah (445-432 BC).
3. Contents: The book, in the main, is composed of two extended polemics against the priests (Malachi 1:6 through Malachi 2:9) and the people (Malachi 2:10 through Malachi 4:3), opening with a clear, sharp statement of the prophet's chief thesis that Yahweh still loves Israel (Malachi 1:2-5), and closing with an exhortation to remember the Law of Moses (Malachi 4:4-6). After the title or superscription (Malachi 1:1) the prophecy falls naturally into seven divisions:
(1) Malachi 1:2-5, in which Malachi shows that Yahweh still loves Israel because their lot stands in such marked contrast to Edom's. They were temporarily disciplined; Edom was forever punished.
(2) Malachi 1:6 through Malachi 2:9, a denunciation of the priests, the Levites, who have become neglectful of their sacerdotal office, indifferent to the Law, and unmindful of their covenant relationship to Yahweh.
(3) Malachi 2:10-16, against idolatry and divorce. Some interpret this section metaphorically of Judah as having abandoned the religion of his youth (Malachi 2:11). But idolatry and divorce were closely related. The people are obviously rebuked for literally putting away their own Jewish wives in order to contract marriage with foreigners (Malachi 2:15). Such marriages, the prophet declares, are not only a form of idolatry (Malachi 2:11), but a violation of Yahweh's intention to preserve to Himself a "godly seed" (Malachi 2:15).
(4) Malachi 2:17 through Malachi 3:6, an announcement of coming judgment. Men are beginning to doubt whether there is longer a God of justice (Malachi 2:17). Malachi replies that the Lord whom the people seek will suddenly come, both to purify the sons of Levi and to purge the land of sinners in general. The nation, however, will not be utterly consumed (Malachi 3:6).
(5) Malachi 3:7-12, in which the prophet pauses to give another concrete example of the people's sins: they have failed to pay their tithes and other dues. Accordingly, drought, locusts, and famine have ensued. Let these be paid and the nation will again prosper, and their land will become "a delightsome land."
(6) Malachi 3:13 through 4:3, a second section addressed to the doubters of the prophet's age. In 2:17, they had said, "Where is the God of justice?" They now murmur: "It is vain to serve God; and what profit is it that we have kept his charge?" The wicked and the good alike prosper (3:14,15). But, the prophet replies, Yahweh knows them that are His, and a book of remembrance is being kept; for a day of judgment is coming when the good and the evil will be distinguished; those who work iniquity will be exterminated, while those who do righteously will triumph.
(7) Malachi 4:4-6, a concluding exhortation to obey the Mosaic Law; with a promise that Elijah the prophet will first come to avert, if possible, the threatened judgment by reconciling the hearts of the nation to one another, i.e. to reconcile the ideals of the old to those of the young, and vice versa.
4. Style: Malachi was content to write prose. His Hebrew is clear and forceful and direct; sometimes almost rhythmical. His figures are as numerous as should be expected in the brief remnants of his sermons which have come down to us, and in every case they are chaste and beautiful (1:6; 3:2,3,17; 4:1-3). His statements are bold and correspondingly effective. The most original feature in his style is the lecture-like method which characterizes his book throughout; more particularly that of question and answer. His style is that of the scribes. It is known as the didactic-dialectic method, consisting first of an assertion or charge, then a fancied objection raised by his hearers, and finally the prophet's refutation of their objection. Eight distinct examples of this peculiarity are to be found in his book, each one containing the same clause in Hebrew, "Yet ye say" (1:2,6,7; 2:14,17; 3:7,8,13). This debating style is especially characteristic of Malachi. Ewald called it "the dialogistic" method. Malachi shows the influence of the schools (compare his use of "also" and "again" in 1:13; 2:13, which is equivalent to our "firstly," "secondly," etc.).
5. Message: Malachi's message has a permanent value for us as well as an immediate value for his own time. He was an intense patriot, and accordingly his message was clean-cut and severe. His primary aim was to encourage a disheartened people who were still looking for Haggai's and Zechariah's optimistic predictions to be fulfilled. Among the lessons of abiding value are the following: (1) That ritual is an important element in religion, but not as an end in itself. Tithes and offerings are necessary, but only as the expression of sincere moral and deeply spiritual life (Malachi 1:11). (2) That a cheap religion avails nothing, and that sacrifices given grudgingly are displeasing to God. Better a temple closed than filled with such worshippers (Malachi 1:8-10). (3) That divorce and intermarriage with heathen idolaters thwarts the purpose of God in securing to Himself a peculiar people, whose family life is sacred because it is the nursery of a "godly seed" (Malachi 2:15). (4) That there is eternal discipline in the Law. Malachi places the greatest emphasis upon the necessity of keeping the Mosaic Law. The priests, he says, are the custodians and expounders of the Law. At their mouth the people should seek knowledge. "To undervalue the Law is easy; to appraise it is a much harder task" (Welch). With Malachi, no less than with Christ Himself, not one jot or tittle should ever pass away or become obsolete.
LITERATURE.
Driver, "Minor Prophets," II, NewCentury Bible (1906); G. A. Smith, "The Book of the Twelve Prophets," Expositor's Bible (1898); Dods, Post-Exilian Prophets: "Hag," "Zec," "Mal"; "Handbooks for Bible Classes"; J. M. P. Smith, ICC (1912). Among the numerous other commentaries on Mal may be mentioned: Eiselen (1907), Marti (1903), Nowack (1903), Orelli (1908), Wellhausen (1898), Van Hoonacker (1908) and Isopeocul (1908). The various Introductions to the Old Testament should also be consulted, notably those by Driver (1910), Strack (1906), Wildeboer (1903), Gautier (1906), Cornill (1907), Konig (1893); and the articles entitled "Malachi" in the various Dicts. and Bible Encs: e.g. in Encyclopedia Biblica (1902), by C. 0. Torrey; in HDB (1901), by A. O. Welch; in 1-vol HDB (1909), by G. G. Cameron; and RE (1905), by Volck.
George L. Robinson
Malachy
Malachy - mal'-a-ki: Another form of the name of the prophet "Malachi" (which see), found in the Revised Version (British and American) and the King James Version of 2 Esdras 1:40.
Malcam
Malcam - mal'-kam (malkam, "their king"; the King James Version Maleham):
(1) A chief of the Benjamites, son of Shaharaim (1 Chronicles 8:9).
(2) The name of an idol as well as the possessive pronominal form of melekh, "king" (2 Samuel 12:30 the Revised Version margin; Jeremiah 49:1, 3 Septuagint Melchol); Zephaniah 1:5). In Amos 1:15 it appears to be best translated "their king," as in both the King James Version and the Revised Version (British and American). Only a careful examination of the context can determine whether the word is the proper name of the idol (Moloch) or the 3rd personal possessive pronoun for king. The idol is also spelt "Milcom" and "Molech."
Malchiah
Malchiah - mal-ki'-a.
See MALCHIJAH.
Malchiel
Malchiel - mal'-ki-el (malki'el, "God is king"): Grandson of Asher (Genesis 46:17; Numbers 26:45; 1 Chronicles 7:31).
Malchielites
Malchielites - mal'-ki-el-its (malki'eli): Descendants of Malchiel (Numbers 26:45).
Malchijah
Malchijah - mal-ki'-ja (malkiyah, "Yah is king"; Melcheias, with variants):
(1) A Levite, descendant of Gershom, of those whom David set over the "service of sting" in the worship (1 Chronicles 6:40).
(2) The head of the 5th course of priests (1 Chronicles 24:9).
(3) One of the laymen who had taken "strange wives" during the exile (Ezra 10:25); the "Melchias" of 1 Esdras 9:26.
(4) Another of the same name (Ezra 10:25; two in same verse). Called "Asibias" in 1 Esdras 9:26.
(5) Another under the same offense, son of Harim (Ezra 10:31). "Melchias" in 1 Esdras 9:32.
(6) One of the "repairers" who helped with the "tower of the furnaces" (Nehemiah 3:11).
(7) Son of Rechab ruler of Beth-haccerem, repairer of the dung gate (Nehemiah 3:14).
(8) A goldsmith who helped in building the walls of Jerusalem (Nehemiah 3:31).
(9) One of those at Ezra's left hand when he read the law (though possibly one of the above (Nehemiah 8:4)). In 1 Esdras 9:44 "Melchias."
(10) One of the covenant signatories (Nehemiah 10:3).
(11) The father of Pashhur (Nehemiah 11:12; Jeremiah 21:1; 38:1).
(12) A priest, a singer at the dedication of the walls of Jerusalem under Ezra and Nehemiah (Nehemiah 12:42).
(13) (malkiyahu as above with u ending): Son of Ham-melech (or, as 1 Kings 22:26; 2 Chronicles 28:7 translate it, "king's son"). Jeremiah was cast into his dungeon or pit (Jeremiah 38:6).
The King James Version spells "Malchiah" or "Malchijah" indifferently with "Melchiah" in Jeremiah 21:1; the English Revised Version has "Malchiah" in Jeremiah 21:1; 1, 6, elsewhere "Malchijah"; the American Standard Revised Version has "Malchijah" throughout.
Henry Wallace
Malchiram
Malchiram - mal-ki'-ram (malkiram, "uplifted king"): Son of Jeconiah, descendant of David (1 Chronicles 3:18).
Malchi-shua
Malchi-shua - mal-ki-shoo'-a (malkishua`, "my king saves"): One of the sons of Saul (1 Samuel 14:49; 31:2, the King James Version "Melchishua"; 1 Chronicles 8:33; 9:39). He was slain by the Philistines with his brothers at the battle of Gilboa (1 Chronicles 10:2; 1 Samuel 31:2).
Malchus
Malchus - mal'-kus (Malchos, from melekh, i.e. "counselor" or "king"): The name of the servant of the high priest Caiaphas whose right ear was smitten off by Simon Peter at the arrest of Jesus in the Garden of Gethsemane (compare Matthew 26:51; Mark 14:47; Luke 22:50; John 18:10). It is noteworthy that Luke "the physician" alone gives an account of the healing of the wound (Luke 22:51). As Jesus "touched his ear, and healed him," the ear was not entirely severed from the head. The words of Jesus, "Suffer ye thus far," may have been addressed either to the disciples, i.e. "Suffer ye that I thus far show kindness to my captors," or to those about to bind him, i.e. asking a short respite to heal Malchus. They were not addressed directly to Peter, as the Greek form is plural, whereas in Matthew 26:52; John 18:11, where, immediately after the smiting of Malchus, Jesus does address Peter, the singular form is used; nor do the words of Jesus there refer to the healing but to the action of his disciple. A kinsman of Malchus, also a servant of the high priest, was one of those who put the questions which made Peter deny Jesus (John 18:26).
C. M. Kerr