The Churches and the Public Treasury

SPEECH OF SENATOR REAGAN, OF TEXAS

MR. PRESIDENT: The provisions of the bill under consideration this morning, and the discussion we have heard, and the condition of things in the country, show the wisdom of the framers of the republic in providing in the first section of the first article of the Amendments to the Constitution for separation of Church and State, while guarantying the freedom of religious opinion. TCPT 28.2

The history of the world is full of the dangers of Church and State. The subject has given rise to as much trouble and as many wars as almost any other subject, and the framers of our government desired, so far as the people of this country were concerned, to protect them from any such danger. TCPT 28.3

Besides that, Mr. President, while all the States of the Union, I suppose, have their systems of free public schools, in all of them special pains is taken that those schools shall be non-sectarian and free from religious control, showing that the people of the various States have the same idea of the danger of the union of Church and State which the fathers of the republic had, and that they were determined to preserve the barriers against the union of Church and State. TCPT 29.1

We find that for several years considerable appropriations have been made for the education of the Indians in contract schools,—schools conducted by religious denominations; and we find a controversy between the religious denominations as to whether the government has fairly divided its patronage amongst them. It is not unnatural that that controversy should arise, when the government commits itself to the policy of having religious schools. It is not unnatural that denominations large in number and influence, after receiving but a very small portion of that patronage in comparison with others, should say, “If this government means to establish religious schools, it should divide its patronage amongst the various denominations equitably.” TCPT 29.2

Mr. President, I have no partiality for religious schools by any denomination, and I believe that they are wrong by any denomination, and it is for that reason that I arose to make a few observations. TCPT 29.3

In 1886, $228,259 was appropriated for these private schools. Of that sum $118,343 was given to the Catholic denomination. In 1887, $363,214 was appropriated for private schools, and of that sum $194,635 went to the Catholic denomination, in each case over half the amount appropriated. In 1888, $376 664 was appropriated to private schools, and $221,169 of that went to Catholic schools. In 1889, $530,905 was appropriated for this purpose, and $347,672 of it went to the Catholic schools. In 1890, $561,950 was appropriated for private schools, and $356,957 of that sum went to the Catholic denomination, leaving but $204,993 out of the $561,950 for fifteen other denominations that were interested in Indian schools; fifteen other denominations, perhaps embracing five-fifths of the religious population of this country, allowed but $204,998 out of last year’s appropriation, while that single Catholic denomination received $356,967! TCPT 29.4

The senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Dawes) assures that this was because of the greater zeal of the Catholics. Perhaps so. Perhaps it was because of their greater aggressiveness; perhaps it was because of their greater anxiety to get control of the State and of politics. At any rate, there stands the fact that the fifteen other denominations received only about two-fifths of the entire appropriation—fifteen other religious denominations engaged in education. Is it surprising that they should make complaints? And are senators to be muzzled through fear of giving offense to an aggressive denomination? Are they to be intimidated and prevented from speaking on this subject, and doing justice as among the various denominations interested? So far as I am concerned, that shall not influence me; and the way to get rid of this whole subject is not by adding one more to the number of Catholic schools, as suggested by this bill; and by the senator from Massachusetts, but if into separate the whole of these appropriations from the religious denominations, and put the schools under the government, and let its teachers and its agents instruct these Indians. TCPT 30.1

It is urged here as a reason why this should not be done that the religious denominations will do the work cheaper than the government can do it, and it is assumed that they will do it better than the government can do it. Mr. President, if they can do that, they can carry on education in the States cheaper, and they can carry on education in the States better, than the State government can do it. It is an admission that ought not to be made that the government is incompetent to provide persons who can carry on these schools with advantage to the Indians. TCPT 31.1

I recognize, in view of the relations which the Indians of the country bear to the government of the United States, that it is the duty of the United States to do whatever it can do reasonably, to promote their civilization and their welfare, and whatever is reasonable and right and necessary to that end shall have my support. But I wish to be understood as protesting now, and for all time, against the union of Church and State in any educational department of this government, and for the reason that it necessarily leads to the very troubles which have now come up, and to controversies between religious denominations as to who shall use the money of the government in this business of educating the Indians. TCPT 31.2

It is an unseemly and unnatural condition of things in this country, and an improper condition of things, one that ought to be frowned down, and voted down, and put out of existence. There is no more reason why the government of the United States shall make an alliance with religious denominations for education than that a State should make an alliance with religious denominations for educational purposes. It is wrong, it is dangerous, it mischievous, and I had hoped that the Committee Indian Affairs this year, would take some steps towards breaking down this union of Church State upon the subject. TCPT 31.3

Instead of that, the chairman of the committee consents, and they have agreed, to add one more the number of Catholic schools, although they have refused to add any other for any of the Protestant denominations. They allow the aggression to still further. Mr. President, that is wrong, and if no other senator moves, I shall move to strike out the St. Boniface school from the provisions of this bill. TCPT 32.1

I thought it right to make this statement, in view of the mischief which underlies this whole system. TCPT 32.2

Now, I desire to say one more thing in reference to what was stated by the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Davis), that this matter about the education of the Indians in the Blackfoot Reservation, I think it was, originated in 1885, under a promise, a pledge, I believe he said, of the Secretary of the Interior, that Catholics there should have the control of the schools, and he proposed to provide them with one hundred and sixty-acres of land on which to place them. TCPT 32.3

Mr. President, is it so that a pledge of the Secretary of the Interior is to control the policy of the government? Is it so that a promise of the Secretary of the Interior is sufficient title for land, no title being made by authority of Congress or law? I do not assent to either proposition. I do not assent, especially, to a proposition, fraught with as much mischief as it is, to either the origination of a policy or the grant of the land. TCPT 32.4