The American Sentinel 9
May 17, 1894
“Editorial” American Sentinel 9, 20, pp. 153, 154.
THE AMERICAN SENTINEL is Christian, Protestant, American. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.1
THE AMERICAN SENTINEL is therefore uncompromisingly and everlastingly opposed to every element of the papacy from beginning to end. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.2
HOWEVER, from a survey of all the field of the operation of the papacy, which is only political and worldly, we have found, and our readers must have seen, what an immense disadvantage it is, under which any form of opposition must be carried on which is in any way political or according to worldly methods. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.3
TO-DAY, every conceivable political or worldly advantage is with the papacy. So entirely is this so that those very provisions of the United States Constitution, which were intended to be an everlasting barrier against any encroachment of religion upon the Government, and against any recognition of any religion by the Government,—these very provisions are now taken advantage of by the papacy to crowd herself upon the Government and to take possession of it for her own purposes. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.4
THE Constitution of the United States declares that “no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification for any office or position of trust under the Government.” The papacy takes advantage of this to get her agents into every office or position of trust that is possible, and then uses all the opportunities of that office or position to favor the papacy and to give her fuller hold upon the Government. And just as soon as any exposure of it is made she raises the cry of “persecution” and of “bringing religion into politics!” And as certainly as any opposition is attempted she denounces it as “a violation of the Constitution” by making “a religious test” a qualification for office! AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.5
AGAIN, the Constitution says that, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” The papacy takes advantage of this also to do whatever she pleases to crowd herself upon the Government in every possible way, knowing that she can never be interfered with because “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion!” And when any attempt is made on the part of anybody to interfere with her schemes, she raises the cry of “violation of the Constitution,” and “attacking religious liberty.” Thus the very provisions of the Constitution, which were intended to protect the country and people from the domination of religion and Rome, are made the shelter under which Rome and her religion shall be made to dominate the country and people. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.6
THIS is the grand discovery that Leo XIII. has made with reference to the Constitution of the United States. And this is one grand reason why Leo commands all Catholics in the United States to bear in one hand the Catholic Bible and in the other the Constitution of the United States as they “go forward” on their great mission to bring their “country into immediate contact with that great secret of blessedness”—the Church of Rome. This is why Leo has such great love for the American Constitution—it prohibits any political or governmental interference with his mischievous and unconstitutional schemes. And professed Protestants have set the example of these encroachments of religion and the Church upon the Government, and have actually joined hands with the papacy in the accomplishment of some of them. Having thus betrayed the Government to the papacy, they have robbed themselves of all power of protest, and have greatly increased the already great advantage of the papacy. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.7
THE secret of this great advantage that the papacy holds is that peculiar “policy” by which she can so fully and constantly “cause craft to prosper” in her hand. She is such a perfect mistress of every kind of deceitful invention that there is no kind of human working that can successfully contend with her. To attempt to oppose her by any kind of crafty method, is not only to be so far just like her, but at the last to find yourself so far outdone in craftiness as to be made ashamed that you ever tried it. To attempt opposition to her now by any political or governmental method, even though it be right, is to find yourself at such an immense disadvantage as to make all such effort practically useless. And what is the use of putting forth strenuous efforts when every evidence demonstrates that they are only in vain. It is only exhausting yourself for nothing. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.8
SO we are brought again to the question, What shall be done? Shall we sit still and do nothing?—No, no. We are to be more active, and do more than ever before. How then shall it be done?—There is one way to do it, and only one. That is with the Word of God, the everlasting gospel. This method gives to him who employs it every advantage of position and of power over the papacy and all her workings. It gives every advantage in position, because the papacy knows nothing of the gospel, and in contending with him who uses that method only she is all at sea. It gives every advantage in power, because the gospel itself is the power of God, and in contending with him who depends upon the power of God and is allied to it only, the papacy is impotent. This is the true Christian way, this is the true Protestant way, to oppose the papacy; and in this way there is no such thing as defeat or failure; for what seems to be failure is victory, and what appears to be defeat is triumph. This has been clearly and abundantly proved in history. This is true of the time of Luther and the rise of Protestantism. So long as Protestants held faithfully to the gospel alone and depended only upon its power, the papacy which then possessed all the power of Europe, was powerless before them. Martin Luther, the chief and leader of the opposition to the papacy in that day, was personally attacked with all the power, cunning, and craft, of the papacy; by the published decree of the emperor in behalf of “holy church,” he was outlawed in all Europe, and everybody was commanded, under penalty of treason, to take him and deliver him up, and receive the reward due to so good a work. Yet for all this the papacy was unable ever to lay a hand on him or do him harm, and he died at last peaceably and in his bed an everlasting victor over all the power of the papacy; and, living and dying, a proof to all the world of what a man can do in opposition to the papacy who depends upon the gospel alone and allied to the power of God only. And so long as Protestantism was faithful in its allegiance to the gospel and the power of God only, so long the tide of the Reformation swept irresistibly onward. But the moment this allegiance was slackened, this tide was checked; and as this allegiance has lessened the tide was reversed. And now that this allegiance of professed Protestantism has wholly ceased and papal principles and methods only are recognized or employed, the papacy once more overflows and possesses all the power of earth. But the gospel has not ceased. The Word of God is not bound. The power of God is not slack toward those who believe. The everlasting gospel abides, and is to be preached with the attendance of the power of God in such measure as the world has never seen, and which is to accomplish indeed what Luther longed to see—the complete overthrow and engulfing of the papacy and all her abominations. AMS May 17, 1894, page 153.9
THIS is the way, and the only way, of assured and complete success in opposing the papacy to-day. This is the way that the AMERICAN SENTINEL takes and which it is going to follow to the end. This is the way of true Christianity. This is the way of true Protestantism, and we want everybody to go this way. Come with us, and we will do thee good, for God has promised victory over the beast and over his image, and a song of triumph to all who take this way. AMS May 17, 1894, page 154.1
A. T. J.
“The Breckinridge-Morse District Sunday Bill” American Sentinel 9, 20, pp. 157, 158.
[At the hearing on the Breckinridge Sunday bill for the District of Columbia, held before the House Committee on the District, Jan. 6, 1891, Alonzo T. Jones, editor of this paper, addressed the committee. Much of his address is just as applicable to the Morse bill, which is now before the Commissioners and the District Committees. The following is taken from what was there said before the committee by Mr. Jones.] AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.1
THE intent of the makers and promoters of this bill is to subvert the constitutional rights of the people. The intent of the law-maker is the law. As, therefore, by their own words, the intent of this exemption clause is to stop all effort to teach or to persuade people to keep the Sabbath instead of Sunday; as the intent of the body of the bill is to compel all to keep Sunday who do not keep the Sabbath; and as the intent of both together is to “scoop all in” and “make sure work,” it follows inevitably, and my proposition is demonstated [sic.], that the promoters of this legislation do distinctly contemplate the taking away of the right to observe the Sabbath in this nation, and to allow the keeping of Sunday only. AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.2
There is another consideration in this which shows that the State will be compelled to take official and judicial cognizance of the conscientious beliefs and observances of the people. It is this: When a law is enacted compelling everybody to refrain from all labor or business on Sunday, excepting those who conscientiously believe in and observe another day, then there will be scores of men who know that in their business—saloons, for instance—they can make more money by keeping their places of business open on Sunday than on another day, because more men are idle that day. They will therefore profess to observe another day and run their business on Sunday. This is not simply a theory, it is a face proved by actual examples. One of the very latest I will mention. I have here a clipping from the Southern Sentinel, Dallas, Texas, February 4, 1890, which I read:— AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.3
Right here in Dallas we have an example of how the law can be evaded. Parties have leased the billiard hall of the new McLeod Hotel, and have stipulated in their lease that they are conscientious observers of the seventh day [though to the best of the common knowledge and belief they are not]; that, in consequence, their business house will be closed on Saturday, and will open on Sunday. AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.4
MR. GROUT.—If they are known to be conscientious worshipers, and keepers of the seventh-day Sabbath, what defense would they have? AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.5
MR. JONES.—The defense would still be a claim of “conscientious belief in, and observance of, another day.” The claim indeed might not be sincere. And if there were any question of it in the community, it would certainly be disputed, and the court would be called upon to decide. Thus you see that by this bill the United States courts will be driven to the contemplation of conscientious conviction and compelled to decide upon the sincerity of conscientious beliefs and observances. And thereby it is proved that the introduction and advocacy of this bill is an endeavor to commit Congress and the Government of the United States to the supervision of the conscientious convictions of the people. AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.6
Now, gentlemen, to prevent this was the very purpose of the First Amendment to the Constitution. It is well known, as I have stated, that the colonies which formed the original thirteen States had each one an established religion. When it was proposed to organize a Federal Government, the strongest influence that had to be met and overcome was jealousy of a national power—a fear that a national power would override the powers and interfere with the domestic affairs of the States. It was this that caused the adoption of the First Amendment to the Constitution. Their affairs of religion and the exercise thereof being the dearest of all, are first assured protection. Fearing that the national Government might enact laws which would restrict or prohibit the free exercise of the religion of any of the people of any of the States; or that it might adopt or indorse some one of the religious establishments of the States, and thus form an alliance which might annihilate both political and religious individuality; that the political individuality of the States and the religious individuality of the people might be free; for themselves and their posterity the people declared that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.7
It is not to be inquired whether there was any danger of that which they feared, they feared it and that is enough. And because they feared it, because they were so jealous—rightly jealous too—of their religious rights and conscientious convictions, they guarded these, as they intended and supposed, forever, from any supervision or cognizance whatever on the part of the national Government. And upon this I quote now more fully the words of Bancroft, to which I merely referred a little while ago:— AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.8
Vindicating the right of individuality even in religion, and in religion above all, the new nation dared to set the example of accepting in its relations to God the principle first divinely ordained in Judea. It left the management of temporal things to the temporal power: but the American Constitution, in harmony with the people of the several States, withheld from the Federal Government the power to invade the home of reason, the citadel of conscience, the sanctuary of the soul; and, not from indifference, but that the infinite spirit of eternal truth might move in its freedom and purity and power.—History of the Formation of the Constitution, Book V, chapter 1. AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.9
Thus, says the historian, there is by the Constitution “perfect individuality extended to conscience.” This individuality, these rights, are as dear to us and as sacred as they were to the fathers of our nation, yet no more so to us than to other people. Therefore, gentlemen of the committee and the representatives of the people, by your respect for the Constitution and your oath to support it, and in behalf of the sacred rights of all the people, we implore you to give no heed to any demand for legislation, which in any way, to the least degree, proposes to touch the conscientious beliefs or observances of a solitary individual in all the land; give no heed to this bill, which, in its very terms, proposes to commit Congress to the supervision of conscientious beliefs, and proposes to drive the national power into a field where the makers of the national power forbade it to go, and to compel it to assume jurisdiction of questions which they have forbidden it even to consider. AMS May 17, 1894, page 157.10
Now as to the petition—that petition shows what this bill means. Both this bill and the Senate bill, “which includes this,” were framed and introduced upon this petition. If we know what the petition asks for, we shall know also what the bills are intended to give. Here is the petition—I read the one for the national law, “which includes this:“— AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.1
To the House of Representatives of the United States— AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.2
The undersigned organizations and adult residents (21 years of age or more) of the United States hereby earnestly petition your honorable body to pass a bill forbidding in the United States mail and military service, and in interstate commerce, and in the District of Columbia and the Territories, all Sunday traffic and work, except works of religion. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.3
That is the petition which they are circulating. That is the petition which they present to you. That is the petition upon which these bills were framed. They ask you to stop everything on Sunday—“all Sunday traffic and work,” all “work, labor, or business,” “except works of religion.” And yet they have the face to plead before the public, and in the presence of this committee, that this question “has nothing to do with religion.” Nothing to do with religion when it prohibits everything “except works of religion”? If this is not a religious petition, why do they “except” only “works of religion”? AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.4
Except works of religion, and works of real necessity and mercy, and such private work by those who religiously and regularly observe another day of the week by abstaining from labor and business, as will neither interfere with the general rest nor with public worship. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.5
Of traffic, work, labor, or business, the exception is works of religion; of the people, the exception is only of those who religiously and regularly observe another day. Those who are to observe the day named must be religious that day; those who do not observe the day named must be religious, and regularly so, some other day of the week. Now, gentlemen, these bills were framed upon this petition. The intention of the petition is the intention of the bills. Therefore it is plain as the day that the object of both this bill and the Senate bill is the enforced conscientious belief in, and religious observance of, a rest-day. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.6
The question then which would inevitable [sic.] arise upon this is, What religion is it whose works of religion only shall be excepted? That question would have to be answered. It would have to be answered by the United States courts or by Congress. But whenever, or by whichever, it shall be answered, when it is answered, that moment you have an established religion—a union of Church and State. You cannot go back if you take the first step. The last step is in the first one, and we beg of you, gentlemen of the committed, and of these men themselves, for their own sakes as well as ours, do not take the first step. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.7
We all know that the most wickedly cruel and most mercilessly inconsiderate of all governments is that in which the ecclesiastics control the civil power. And how are you going to escape it under such laws as here proposed? Who is to enforce these Sunday laws? Who, indeed, but those who are working for them? Certainly those who are opposed to them, or indifferent about them, will not enforce them. Who then are they who are working for the enactment of these laws? Who organize the conventions and count out the opposite votes? Who appeared here before your committee to argue in favor of it? Who, indeed, but the Church managers? for you saw how summarily the Knights of Labor part of the delegation was squelched. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.8
Well, then, if it is the Church which secures the enactment of the law, it will be the Church that will have to see to the enforcement of the law. In order to do this she will have to have police and courts which will do her bidding. This is her great difficulty now. There is now no lack of Sunday laws, either in the States or the Territories, but the laws are not enforced. In order to get executives and police and courts who will enforce the law to her satisfaction, the Church will have to elect them. Then, as said Mr. Crafts in this city the other day, they will form “Law and Order Leagues to enforce” the Sunday laws. Here then is the system: The Church combines to get the law enacted; the Church secures the election of officers who will do her bidding; the Church forms “Law and Order Leagues” to make sure that the officers do her bidding and enforce the law. Where, then, will the State appear, but in the subordinate position to formulate and execute the will of the Church? Then you have the Church above the State, the ecclesiastical superior to the civil power. This is just what is in this national Sunday-law movement; and this is what will certainly come out of it. It is inherent there. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.9
But when George III. undertook to make the military superior to the civil power, our liberty-loving fathers declared it tyranny and avowed such things should not be in this land. And now when a movement reaches the national capitol which bears in itself an attempt to make the ecclesiastical superior to the civil power, it is time for the America people to declare that this is tyranny also, and resolve that no such thing shall be in this land. That attempt one hundred and fourteen years ago grew out of the “divine right of kings” to govern, and the doctrine that governments do not derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. This attempt now grows out of the divine right of the ecclesiastics to govern, and likewise that governments do not drive their just powers from the consent of the governed. The president of the American Sabbath Union, which is the originator of this national Sunday-law scheme, has definitely declared in so many words that “governments do not derive, their just powers from the consent of the governed;” and one of the secretaries of an auxiliary union has as definitely stated that “this movement is an effort to change that feature of our fundamental law.” AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.10
Gentlemen, when such doctrines as these are openly avowed, and when such an attempt as this is made by those who avow them, to embody them in national law, it is time for all the people to declare, as the Seventh-day Adventists decidedly do, that this nation is, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT OF ALL ECCLESIAMSTICAL OR RELIGIOUS CONNECTION, INTERFERENCE, OR CONTROL. AMS May 17, 1894, page 158.11