The American Sentinel 14
April 13, 1899
“Front Page” American Sentinel 14, 15, p. 225.
NO CIVIL law can deliver anybody from moral slavery. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.1
THE State cannot enact religious laws without assuming the attribute of infallibility. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.2
IF righteousness by law were a possibility, the Pharisees would not have been hypocrites. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.3
RELIGIOUS legislation cannot make anybody good, but it can help almost anybody to be bad. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.4
THE devil has no objection to any plan of making men righteous which does not include the exercise of faith. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.5
THE preacher in his God-appointed sphere is a lighthouse, in politics he is a will-o-the-wisp flitting over a swamp. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.6
THE State says mankind needs a “civil Sabbath,” the Creator says man needs a religious Sabbath. Which is right? AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.7
IF the Scriptures are true, the time will never come in this present world when the saints will be able to out-vote the sinners. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.8
WHEN Christians take hold of politics, they pull themselves down to the level of the world, but do not pull the world up to the level of Christianity. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.9
IF the “civil Sabbath” is something altogether distinct from the religious Sabbath, as we are told, why must the two always come on the same day? AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.10
BEING hopelessly divided as to what is true and right in religion, the preachers now offer to take charge of civil affairs and lead the country into a political heaven! AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.11
“The National Recognition of God” American Sentinel 14, 15, pp. 225, 226.
THE separation of this country from the empire of Britain, and the erection of the American Republic in the place of the British monarchy, are based upon the assertion that “all men are created equal.” AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.1
Upon this assertion is based the assertion that all men have “certain unalienable rights;” and by the assertion of these rights Jefferson and his compatriots justified the separation from Great Britain. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.2
But the assertion that “all men are created equal” is an unequivocal recognition of God. The very existence of this American Republic is, therefore, based upon a recognition of God. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.3
No one can justly claim, therefore, that God is not recognized in the American Republic. Yet precisely this claim is made by the National Reform party and their religious allies. They say that the nation will perish unless it makes a recognition of the Deity. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.4
But upon a recognition of the Deity is based the whole national structure as it has stood since the Revolution; for, as pointed out, the recognition of God the Creator is made the basis and justification of the first and fundamental step in giving the nation a separate, independent existence. AMS April 13, 1899, page 225.5
What the “reform” combination wants, then, is a recognition of God different from that made in bringing the nation into existence. But a different recognition of God could be made only by taking away the lowest foundation stone of the national structure and thus upsetting the edifice itself. Any other recognition of God than that which has been made means a revolution in the Government. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.1
By the recognition of God the Republic was called into being; and by it therefore have come the rights and liberties which the people of the nation have enjoyed. God gave the people these rights, and any so-called recognition of him under which the liberties of the people would be abridged, is not a recognition of him at all. It is a recognition of some other god than the Creator. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.2
“Satanic ‘Reform’” American Sentinel 14, 15, p. 226.
TWO or three weeks ago we mentioned the face of a leading Salvation Army man in Wichita, Kansas, making a campaign for the office of mayor of that city. We mentioned also some of the great things that he proposed to do in the way of reform if he should be elected, among which were the abolition of all plays and games of all sorts on Sunday; policemen to be requested to carry Bibles; ladies wearing bloomers to be fined five dollars for the first offense, and to be put ten days in jail for the second offense; the city to pay the street car fare of all who desire to attend church on Sunday; religious services to be held in the city hall on Sunday, all public officials expected to be present; the meetings of the common council to be opened and closed with prayer; a public library made up wholly of Bibles to be added to the library already existing; all stores except drug stores to be closed on Sunday; and all poor people to be supplied with drugs and medicines free of charge. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.1
From this it will be seen that this candidate proposes to be thoroughly consistent too, because “he holds that every one is born with moral instincts, and would not go wrong did not opportunities beset one on all sides.” AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.2
That has been the religio-political reformer’s theory from the beginning. It is the theory upon which the papacy was built, and consistently enough is the characteristic of the building of the image to the papacy. It places outside of men all the responsibility for their wrong doing. So in order that all men may be perfectly good, all that is needed is to take away all opportunities for them to do anything bad. Now if that principle be correct then Satan himself can be made a saint by that process. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.3
The truth is, however, that this principle is as false as any other one of Satan’s invention. By thus denying to men responsibility for any bad actions, men are also robbed of all virtue; because when men are good only by being deprived of the opportunity to be otherwise, all such goodness is altogether of a negative sort, an empty nothing. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.4
Such is not Christianity. Such principles and such methods of reform never can come from God. The truth is that man is responsible, altogether responsible, for any wrong thing that he does. And recognizing this truth, the Lord extends to all men the virtue by which to love and choose the good, and the power to do the good in the face of all the opportunities to evil that this world of evil can present. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.5
Such are the true principles and the true methods of reform. The principle and method of Satan can be carried out, and that “reform” wrought only by the power of the State. The principle and method of the Lord, and thus true reform, can be carried out only by the power of God. All who adopt the principle of Satan depend upon legislation and the power of the State. All who adopt the principle of the Lord depend upon the power of God. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.6
The principle and method of Satan are fast developing in the United States, and this Satanic reform is being largely put into operation all over the land by means of the churches and religious organizations and combinations, etc., of the whole country. The Lord’s principle and method also are growing, and true reform is being put into operation by true Christians throughout the land. And it is time that every man should be intelligently looking at this matter, and choosing on which side he will stand: whether with Satan or with Christ. There is no middle ground. The enemy has come in like a flood. The Spirit of the Lord is lifting up a standard against him, and will put him to flight. This alone is the safe side. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.7
A. T. J.
“Liberty, ‘Good Will,’ and ‘Fraternal Feeling’” American Sentinel 14, 15, pp. 226, 227.
THE United States Philippine Commissioners have issued a proclamation to the Filipinos, promising them “ample liberty” if they will submit. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.1
“Liberty” means, of course, the same thing the world over. It means the same in the United States that it means in the islands off the coast of Asia. What does it mean in these islands, according to this proclamation? AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.2
The proclamation begins with the statement that “The Commission desires to assure the people of the Philippine Islands of the cordial good will and fraternal feeling which is entertained for them by the President of the United States and by the American people.” These are words that scarcely fit the tune to which the Filipinos have for some weeks been listening. And there can be no doubt in their minds of the primary importance of the meaning conveyed by the tune. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.3
The President and the people for whom the proclamation speaks have the same “cordial good will and fraternal feeling” toward the Filipinos who were killed in the battle with the American troops. It was only by chance—not intention—that this “cordial good will and fraternal feeling” did not affect the survivors in the way that it did their less fortunate companions in arms. When a person fires a gun at you with intent to kill, it matters not whether he is actuated by “cordial good will and fraternal feeling” or by cordial hatred. AMS April 13, 1899, page 226.4
The proclamation proceeds with the statement that “The aim and object of the American Government, apart from the fulfillment of the solemn obligations it has assumed toward the family of nations by its acceptance of sovereignty over the Philippine Islands, is the well being, prosperity and happiness of the Philippine people and their elevation and advancement to a position among the most civilized peoples of the world.” This is to be brought about, under American rule, by “the assurance of peace and order, by the guarantee of civil and religious liberty, by the establishment of justice, by the cultivation of letters, science, and the liberal and practical arts, by the enlargement of intercourse with foreign nations, by expansion of industrial pursuits, by trade and commerce, by multiplication and improvement of the means of internal communication, by development, with the aid of modern mechanical inventions, of the great natural resources of the Archipelago, and, in a word, by the uninterrupted devotion of the people to the pursuit of useful objects and the realization of those noble ideas which constitute the higher civilization of mankind.” AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.1
“Unfortunately,” the address continues, “these pure aims and purposes of the American Government and people have been misinterpreted to some of the inhabitants of certain islands, and as a consequence the friendly American forces have, without provocation or cause been openly attacked.” How has this misinterpretation been made? We know of nothing better calculated to misinterpret benevolent motives and intentions than weapons of war. Nobody ever gets any hint of benevolent intentions from such things; consequently, if benevolence is really behind them, they grossly misinterpret it. And since this is so, it is against reason to use them in the execution of benevolent designs. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.2
What would be the meaning of an armed force of a foreign power being stationed on soil of the United States, and affirming an intention of staying till they got ready to go? What would such a thing mean to the American people? How much misinterpreting would be required to precipitate hostilities between them and the people? AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.3
And if that attitude would not be expressive of good will in the United States, would it be expressive of good will anywhere else? AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.4
The proclamation affirms that— AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.5
“1. The supremacy of the United States must and will be enforced throughout every part of the Archipelago, and those who resist it can accomplish no end other than their own ruin. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.6
“2. To the Philippine people will be granted the most ample liberty and self-government reconcilable with the maintenance of a wise, just, stable, effective, and economical administration of public affairs and compatible with the sovereign and international rights and the obligations of the United States.” AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.7
Would this mean “ample liberty” in the United States? Would it mean liberty in any sense? Would the American people who lived in the days of Washington have accepted this king of “ample liberty” from George III? Is not this precisely the liberty he was willing to grant? AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.8
No argument is necessary to convince Americans that this would not mean liberty for them. It would not mean liberty in the United States. And if it does not mean liberty here, does it mean liberty anywhere else? AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.9
The one thing that is withheld from these people under American rule is the one thing George III. wanted to withhold from the Americans—liberty. And that is the one thing above all others that they want. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.10
But is the United States going to insist upon this definition of “ample liberty”? That is the question which lends vast importance to the situation at Manila. If this meaning of liberty is insisted on there, what is liberty going to mean here? If we accept this meaning for it there, can we refuse to accept it here? We cannot, without taking leave of consistency and logic. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.11
Let American people maintain one meaning for liberty the world over, and that the meaning insisted on hold up to the world by this nation at the time of its birth. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.12
“The Fly in the Ointment” American Sentinel 14, 15, pp. 227, 228.
AT the late National Reform convention in Boston, one speaker said:— AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.1
“I see little difference between what Israel was and our nation should be except this: when difficulties arose God’s will was sought through the prophets, while we have the completed revelation, the Bible, to solve our problems, and the Holy Spirit to guide us into the truth.” AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.2
That is all right if it is only left to the Bible and the Holy Spirit to guide people into the truth; but this is not what the “reform” party wants. That would leave them out of the matter, and they do not mean to be left out. They believe themselves to be the successors of the prophets. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.3
They want o be empowered to solve the religious problems for the nation; they want to be interpreters of the Bible to the nation, and have the will of God, as they state it, enforced upon the nation b law. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.4
The National Reform party and their religious allies never spend any time advocating a scheme of government in which religion is to be applied only by the Word of God and the Holy Spirit. But as certainly as the Holy Spirit is the guide into all spirit truth, and free to all, so certainly is any human interpreter of the will of God superfluous, anti-biblical, and blasphemous. AMS April 13, 1899, page 227.5
“Back Page” American Sentinel 14, 15, p. 241.
LIBERTY is more than a political question. To discuss the advisability of granting or withholding liberty from any people, is to question the advisability of recognizing individual rights. And this, in the United States, is to question the advisability of maintaining or repudiating the Declaration of Independence and the national Constitution. But these cannot be repudiated without a political revolution. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.1
All political parties have upheld the Constitution and Declaration of Independence. When the Southern States repudiated the latter document by maintaining the doctrine of negro slavery, it meant not a contest of politics, but a repudiation of the Government itself. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.2
Political contests are settled every few years, quietly, at the polls. But this question of liberty or slavery was settled by four years of terrible war. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.3
Yet to-day there are many people, and readers of the AMERICAN SENTINEL at that, who see nothing more than a question of politics in the policy of foreign conquest upon which the American Government has entered. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.4
The denial of liberty to any people is a denial of the American doctrine of inalienable rights; and a denial of this includes a denial of the individual rights of conscience; and a denial of these rights is a denial of the right to observe a Sabbath day in accordance with the dictates of conscience—to observe the seventh day according to the commandment of God, in opposition to first-day observance by the commandment of men. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.5
Do you see anything more than mere politics in that? We do. AMS April 13, 1899, page 241.6